LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF 
CALIFORNIA 

SAN  DIEGO 


1 


STUDIES 


MODERN  SOCIALISM 


AND 


LABOR    PROBLEMS 


BY 

T.  EDWIN  BROWN,  D.  D. 


NEW   YORK 
D.    APPLETON    AND    COMPANY 

1,  8,  AND  5  BOND  STREET 
1886 


COPTKIGHT,   1886, 

BY  D.   APPLETON  AND  COMPANY. 


All  rights  reserved. 


GEORGE    W.    SAMSON,    D.  D.,  LL.  D., 

EX-PRESIDENT  OF  COLUMBIAN   UNIVERSITY, 


MARTIN    B.    ANDERSON,    LL.  D., 

PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ROCHESTER. 

THE   ONE,  MY  PASTOR  AND  COLLEGE  TEACHER,  TAUGHT  ME  THE  PRINCIPLES  OF 
RELIGION    AND   MORALITY  ;     THE    OTHER,    A   LOYAL  PARISHIONER  FOR 
TWELVE   YEARS,    ALWAYS   GIVING   MORE    THAN    HE   RECEIVED, 
INTERESTED  ME  IN   ECONOMIC   STUDIES,    AND  INCITED 
ME   TO  THE  MORE  FAITHFUL  DISCHARGE  OF 
THE  ETHICAL  FUNCTIONS  OF  THE 
CHRISTIAN   TEACHER. 


CJUorft, 


THE   FRUIT  OF  SEED  WHICH  THE  ONE  PLANTED  AND  THE  OTHER 
HELPED  TO  MATURE, 

IS   AFFECTIONATELY   DEDICATED   TO   BOTH, 

AS   A   TOKEN 
OF   MY   GRATEFUL   FRIENDSHIP. 


PKEFACE. 


FOR  years  I  have  had  a  deepening  conviction  that 
true  economic  principle  and  right  economic  action  were 
intimately  related  to  Christian  morality.  As  a  result 
of  this  conviction,  I  ventured  a  series  of  addresses  on 
social  questions  before  audiences  of  business  men  and 
workmen.  Through  the  courtesy  of  the  "  Providence 
Daily  Journal"  and  the  "Providence  Evening  Tele- 
gram," which  published  in  full,  and  of  the  "Providence 
Daily  Star"  and  the  "Boston  Herald,"  which  published 
copious  extracts,  these  addresses  were  widely  circulated. 
At  the  suggestion  of  many  readers,  of  various  classes, 
and  from  various  sections  of  the  country,  the  substance 
of  the  discussions  is  embodied  in  the  present  volume. 

As  I  have  always  written  for  ears,  rather  than  for 
eyes,  I  ask  of  my  reader  the  privilege  of  talking  with 
him  in  the  following  chapters.  Such  a  familiar  method 
will  be,  at  least,  easier  for  me — perhaps  not  without 
added  interest  for  him. 

My  thanks  are  tendered  to  United  States  Senator 
Nelson  W.  Aldrich,  for  the  use  of  his  valuable  economic 
library  ;  to  Colonel  Carroll  D.  Wright,  for  suggestions 


6  PREFACE. 

and  for  public  documents ;  to  Professor  Richard  T. 
Ely,  for  special  service  in  the  work  of  final  revision  ; 
and  to  the  many  friends  who,  in  various  ways,  have 
co-operated  in  the  task  now  ended. 

FIRST  BAPTIST  PARSOXAGE, 
PROVIDENCE,  R.  I.,  May,  1S86. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

I. — Is  THERE  A  SOCIAL  PROBLEM?    WHAT  HAS  CHRISTIANITY 

TO   DO   WITH   IT? 9 

II. — THE  HISTORY  OP  MODERN  SOCIALISM 19 

III. — THE  SOCIALIST'S  INDICTMENT  AGAINST  MODERN  SOCIETY    .    31 

IV. — WHAT  THE  SOCIALIST  DEMANDS 44 

V. — Is  REVOLUTIONARY  SOCIALISM  AN  IMPENDING  PERIL?        .    57 

VI.— ERRORS  IN  SOCIALISM 71 

VII. — TRUTHS  IN  SOCIALISM 91 

VIII. — CONCERNING  TRADES-UNIONS  AND  THE  KNIGHTS  OF  LABOR  110 
IX. — INDUSTRIAL  CO-OPERATION    .        .        .        .        .        .        .127 

X. — CAPTAINS  OF  INDUSTRY 142 

XI. — THE  RESPONSIBILITIES  OF  WEALTH 161 

XII.— PERSONAL  MORALITY  AN  INDUSTRIAL  FORCE      .        .        .178 

XIII. — THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  WORKINGMAN 196 

XIV.— A  SURVEY  OF  THE  FIELD:  REVIEW  AND  OUTLOOK    .        .  215 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 234 

INDEX   .  .  269 


STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 


CHAPTER  I. 

IS   THERE   A   SOCIAL    PROBLEM  ?       WHAT   HAS    CHRISTIANITY   TO 
DO  WITH  IT  ? 

"  And  again,  they — the  preachers — must  not  allow  the  Gospel  to  be 
handled,  what  is  too  often  the  case,  as  a  mere  message  of  hope  and  com- 
fort in  view  of  a  future  world ;  but  they  must  make  it  walk  directly  into  the 
complex  relations  of  modern  society.  ...  If,  in  addition  to  this,  our  prophets 
of  the  pulpit  take  care  to  keep  abreast  of  the  intellectual  movement  of  the  age, 
so  as  not  only  to  stir  the  world  in  sermons,  but  to  guide  them  in  the  wisdom 
of  daily  life,  they  have  nothing  to  fear  i'rom  all  the  windy  artillery  that  the 
speculations  of  a  soulless  physical  science,  the  imaginations  of  a  dreamy 
socialism,  or  the  dogmatism  of  a  cold  philosophical  formalism,  can  bring  to 
bear  upon  them.  Let  them  grapple  bravely  with  all  social  problems,  and 
prove  whether  Christianity,  which  has  done  so  much  to  purify  the  motives  of 
individuals,  may  not  be  able  also  to  put  a  more  effective  steam  into  the 
machinery  of  society." — John  Stuart  Elackie.* 

"Is  there  a  social  question?"  some  one  once  asked  the 
Frenchman  Gambetta.  "No,"  answered  the  statesman, 
strangely  blinded  to  the  facts.  "No,  there  is  no  social  ques- 
tion." Few  men  who  think  will  accept  Gamhetta's  blunt 
negative.  There  is  a  social  question.  There  has  always  been 
one  since  the  human  race  outgrew  the  limits  of  its  first  family. 
And  to-day  that  question  is  of  burning  and  ominous  impor- 
tance. On  the  23d  of  May,  1857,  Lord  Macaulay  addressed  a 
letter  to  an  American  friend,  in  which  he  writes  :  "The  day 
will  come  when  in  the  State  of  New  York  a  multitude  of  peo- 
ple, not  one  half  of  whom  has  had  more  than  half  a  breakfast 
or  expects  to  have  more  than  half  a  dinner,  will  choose  a  Legis- 
lature. Is  it  possible  to  doubt  what  sort  of  a  Legislature  will 

*  "  What  Does  History  Teach?"  Harper's  Handy  Series,  New  York,  1886. 
Pp.  118,  119. 


10  STUDIES   IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

be  chosen  ?  On  one  side  is  a  statesman  preaching  patience, 
respect  for  vested  rights,  strict  observance  of  public  faith  ; 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  is  a  demagogue,  ranting  about  the 
tyranny  of  capitalists  and  usurers,  and  asking  why  anybody 
should  be  permitted  to  drink  champagne  and  ride  in  a  car- 
riage while  thousands  of  honest  folks  are  in  want  of  neces- 
saries. Which  of  the  two  candidates  is  likely  to  be  preferred 
by  a  working-man  who  hears  his  children  crying  for  bread  ?  I 
seriously  apprehend  that  you  will  in  some  such  season  of  ad- 
versity as  I  have  described  do  things  which  will  prevent 
prosperity  from  ever  returning.  Either  some  Caesar  or 
Napoleon  will  seize  the  reins  of  government  with  a  strong 
hand,  or  your  republic  will  be  as  fearfully  plundered  and 
laid  waste  by  barbarians  in  the  twentieth  century  as  the 
Roman  Empire  was  in  the  fifth  ;  with  this  difference,  that 
the  Huns  and  Vandals  who  ravaged  the  Roman  Empire 
came  from  without,  and  that  your  Huns  and  Vandals  will 
have  been  engendered  within  your  own  country  and  by  your 
own  institutions."*  Are  there  any  conditions  in  America 
to-day  which  make  the  fulfillment  of  Macaulay's  prophecy  a 
possibility  ? 

The  world  was  never  richer  than  it  is  to-day.  In  fifty-four 
years  Great  Britain  has  almost  trebled  her  wealth,  France  has 
nearly  quadrupled  hers,  while  our  own  country  since  1850  has 
multiplied  its  riches  sixfold.  Each  working-day,  America  is 
four  million  dollars  richer  at  night  than,  in  the  morning. 
Eleven  million  dollars  are  added  every  day  to  the  wealth  of 
America  and  Europe.  In  America  and  Europe  the  excess  of 
births  over  the  deaths  is  eleven  thousand  each  day.  So  that 
for  every  one  really  added  to  the  population  one  thousand 
dollars  is  added  to  the  means  of  providing  for  his  reception,  t 
But  the  new-comer  does  not  always  get  this  provision  ;  nor  do 
his  parents  or  friends  get  it  on  his  behalf.  Multitudes  of 
new-comers  are  swaddled  in  rags  and  nurtured  on  the  milk  of 

*  "  As  you  grow  more  people,  and  the  pressure  of  population  makes  itself 
manifest,  the  spectre  of  pauperism  will  stalk  among  you,  and  you  will  be  very 
unlike  Europe  if  communism  and  socialism  do  not  claim  to  be  heard."  Prof. 
Huxley,  address  at  opening  of  Johns  Hopkins  University. 

t  M.  G.  Mulhall.  Art.,  The  Increase  of  Wealth,  "  North  American  Re- 
view," vol.  cxl,  pp.  78-84. 


THE  PREVALENCE- OF  DISCONTENT.  H 

poverty.  There  is  wealth  enough  accumulated  and  daily  pro- 
duced, yet  men  shiver  with  cold  and  perish  from  hunger. 

The  old  thrall  that  held  the  wage- worker  in  subjection  has 
been  broken.  Christianity,  German  reformations,  philoso- 
phies, French  revolutions,  or  many  influences  combined,  have 
stirred  the  common  heart  to  feel  the  sacredness  of  common 
manhood.  "Time  was,  when  the  laborer  considered  it  as  in- 
evitable, as  that  he  should  suffer  from  rain  and  hail,  that  he 
should  be  oppressed  by  the  strongest,  the  richest,  the  cleverest 
or  the  most  influential."*  No  man  now  submits  to  such  op- 
pression as  in  the  nature  of  things.  The  revolutions  that 
have  swept  over  society  t  setting  men  free  from  slaveries  and 
serfdoms,  have  introduced  also  a  general  discontent.  "No- 
body," writes  Laveleye,  "is  contented  with  his  lot,  nobody 
certain  of  his  future.  He  who  is  rich  strives  to  amass  more 
wealth,  he  who  lives  by  his  labor  trembles  lest  he  lose  even 
his  livelihood.  Every  one  is  free  to  create  his  own  destiny  ; 
there  are  no  longer  close  trades  or  classes.  Equality  of  right 
is  complete  ;  but  inequality  of  facts  remains  to  irritate  all  the 
more,  because  nothing  is  beyond  the  desire  of  any  aspirant. 
More  deceptions  are  realized,  because  more  hopes  are  awak- 
ened. All  may  succeed,  but  all  do  not  succeed,  and  those 
who  remain  below  envy  and  hate  those  who  remain  above 
them."f 

What  are  the  facts  of  our  social  life  to-day  ?  A  world, 
never  before  so  rich,  yet  in  every  land  a  vast  army  of  the  dis- 
contented. Listen,  and  from  Ireland  and  England,  from 
Spain  and  France,  from  Italy  and  Germany,  you  shall  hear 
the  muttering  of  hate,  the  wail  of  suffering,  the  cry  of  revolt. 
In  Paris  flames  broke  out,  and  those  who  kindled  the  fire 
cried,  "Down  with  the  monuments  which  remind  us  of  in- 
equality 1 "  The  flames  were  smothered,  but  the  sparks  of  the 
spirit  that  set  the  conflagration  have  been  scattered  the  world 
over,  to  become  the  centers  of  new  revolutions.  For  the 
world  is  one.  Paris  and  New  York,  Berlin  and  Chicago, 
London  and  Boston  feel  a  common  thrill  of  the  same  great 

*  Montigny,  "  Me'moires  de  Mirabcau." 

t  "The  Socialism  of  To-Day,"  by  fenile  de  Laveleye.  Translated  into 
English  by  Goddard  H.  Orpen.  London :  Field  and  Tuer,  p.  xxviii. 


12  STUDIES  IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

popular  movements.  In  your  highest  political  wisdom,  or  in 
the  maddest  reach  of  economic  folly,  you  may  build  a  wall  of 
protective  legislation  about  your  own  America  and  shut  out 
the  competitions  of  the  pauper  labor  of  the  old  world.  You 
may  say  there  shall  be  no  international  comity  of  exchange. 
But  you  can  not  shut  out  foreign  ideas  or  prevent  the  flow 
and  reflow  of  the  stormy  tides  of  thought  and  feeling  of  inter- 
national unrest  and  discontent. 

What  are  the  social  facts  of  our  American  life  ?  In  his 
clear  and  convincing  way  Mr.  Edward  Atkinson  writes,  ' '  On 
capital  and  labor  allies,  not  enemies."  As  an  economic  prin- 
ciple his  statement  is  as  true  as  is  that,  of  the  law  of  gravita- 
tion. As  an  actual  economic  condition,  capital  and  labor  are 
what  ?  Allies  or  enemies  ?  Working  shoulder  to  shoulder 
each  for  its  fellow's  weal,  and  so  best  for  its  own  ;  or  drawn 
up  in  lines  of  battle  ?  Answer,  working-men  from  your  Trades- 
Union  halls  !  Answer,  business  men  from  your  manufacturers' 
associations  !  Are  you  not  eagerly  watching  each  other  ?  Are 
you  not  striving  to  circumvent  each  other,  to  see  who  can  win 
the  most  and  yield  the  least  ?  Is  it  peace  or  war,  practical 
alliance  or  practical  enmity  ?  These  two  twin  children  of  one 
mother  ;  these  two,  who  need  each  other  ;  these  two,  who 
each  without  the  help  of  the  other  must  perish  from  the  earth, 
the  one  by  dry  rot  and  the  other  by  starvation  ;  these  two, 
standing  grim,  defiant,  each  intent  on  his  own  end  !  Is  it 
peace  or  war  ? 

You  take  up  your  newspaper  and  read  :  "David  Wilson 
shot  his  wife  twice,  to-night,  and  then  himself.  The  wife 
died  almost  immediately  and  Wilson  is  fatally  wounded. 
Wilson  had  been  out  of  work  for  seventeen  months,  and  with 
a  family  of  six  children  to  provide  for,  he  is  supposed  to  have 
become  insane." 

In  the  same  column  you  read  :  "Mr. has  just  com- 
pleted his  dog-kennels,  at  a  cost  of  twenty  thousand  dollars." 

These  are  the  contrasts  in  social  conditions  that  fire  the 
hearts  of  the  vast  army  of  the  discontented.  You  take  up 
your  newspaper  again,  any  morning.  You  read  :  Michigan 
lumbermen  on  a  strike  ;  Pittsburg  glass-blowers  on  a  strike  ; 
Hocking  Valley  miners  on  a  strike  ;  Cleveland  rolling-mills 
workers  on  a  strike  ;  great  strike  of  the  Woonsocket  Rubber 


THERE   IS  A  SOCIAL   QUESTION.  13 

Company's  hands.  In  St.  Louis  street  cars  are  overturned, 
traffic  suspended,  policemen  and  Hotel's  injured  during  a 
strike.  Near  New  Philadelphia,  Ohio,  a  Swiss  immigrant,  who 
secured  work  in  a  coal-mine  is  shot  dead  in  cold  hlood,  he- 
cause  he  refused  to  quit  work  at  the  command  of  the  strikers. 
In  Wyoming  Chinamen  are  ruthlessly  butchered  for  the 
grave  offense  of  taking  the  places  surrendered  hy  striking 
workmen.*  A  strike,  whatever  he  its  justification,  and  though 
its  only  weapon  be  the  refusal  to  labor — a  strike  is  a  declara- 
tion of  economic  war.  A  strike,  whatever  be  its  issue,  is  like 
all  warfare,  an  economic  waste.  Says  Laveleye  :  ' '  Masters 
and  men  are  in  a  state  of  constant  warfare,  having  their 
battles,  their  victories  and  their  defeats.  It  is  a  dark  and 
bitter  civil  war,  wherein  he  wins  who  can  hold  out  the 
longest  without  earning  anything  ;  a  struggle  far  more  cruel 
and  keen  than  that  decided  by  bullets  from  a  barricade  ;  one 
where  all  the  furniture  is  pawned  or  sold,  where  the  savings 
of  better  times  are  gradually  devoured,  and  where  at  last 
famine  and  misery  besiege  the  home  and  oblige  the  wife  and 
little  ones  to  cry  for  mercy."  t  Is  it  peace  or  war  ? 

"Capital  and  labor  allies,  not  enemies."  This  is  the  eco- 
nomic truth,  that  which  ought  to  be.  "  Capital  and  labor 
enemies,  not  allies."  This  is  the  general  economic  condition, 
that  which  is.  And  when  the  economic  truth,  the  right  that 
ought  to  be,  and  the  economic  condition,  the  thing  that  is, — 
when  these  are  in  conflict  and  contradiction,  then  there  is  a 
social  question.  Moving  up  and  down  our  land  to-day  is  an 
army  of  tramps.  Scattered  through  our  cities  and  towns  are 
vast  numbers  of  people  unemployed.  Multitudes  of  minds  are 
thinking  the  principles,  multitudes  of  hearts  are  throbbing 
with  the  aspirations  of  revolutionary  socialism.  The  premise 
of  Karl  Marx  that  ' '  the  rich  are  growing  richer  and  fewer, 
and  the  poor  poorer  and  more  numerous,"  is,  by  uncounted 
hnsls,  in  all  ranks  and  in  all  occupations,  accepted  as  an 
axiom  as  indisputable  as  that  two  and  two  make  four.  The 
feeling,  suggested  to  half-intelligence,  by  the  thousand  start- 

*  This  was  written  in  October,  1885.  Pages  might  bo  filled  with  the  bare 
record  of  subsequent  strikes. 

t  "  Socialism  of  To-Day."  p.  xxx. 


14  STUDIES  IX  MODERX  SOCIALISE. 

ling  contrasts  of  daily  life,  ' '  Those  who  do  nothing  live  in 
opulence  ;  we  labor,  yet  are  in  extreme  want,"  is  a  rapidly 
growing  feeling.  And  sometimes  the  fierce  underground  cur- 
rent breaks  forth,  like  a  boiling  geyser  or  a  belching  volcano, 
as  in  the  too-well  remembered  Pittsburg  riots  of  1877.  There 
is  a  social  question.  How  important  a  question  this  is  was  ap- 
parent to  a  careful  English  observer,  though  we  may  recklessly 
choose  to  be  blind  to  it.  Says  this  writer  :  "Unlike  the  po- 
litical fabrics  of  Europe,  the  American  republic  is  founded  up- 
on the  sovereignty  of  the  people,  and  it  will  prosper  or  perish 
according  as  the  mental  and  moral  status  of  the  sovereign 
people  is  high  or  low.  The  question  whether  labor  in  Amer- 
ica will  in  future  sustain,  improve  upon  or  degrade  from  its 
once  high  condition,  is  one  beside  which  every  other  national 
problem,  social,  religious  or  political,  is  a  matter  of  trifling 
moment  ;  for  upon  this  depends  the  destiny  of  the  greatest 
State  and  the  life  of  the  most  beneficent  government  which 
the  world  has  ever  seen."  * 

There  is  a  social  question.  Has  Christianity  anything  to 
do  with  it  ?  Has  the  Church  anything  to  do  with  it  ?  Has 
the  Christian  ministry  anything  to  do  with  it  ?  I  might  be 
content  to  quote  one  of  Herr  Todt's  epigrams  :  ' '  Whoever 
would  understand  the  social  question  and  contribute  to  its  so- 
lution must  have  on  his  right  hand  the  works  on  political 
economy  and  on  his  left  the  literature  of  scientific  socialism, 
and  must  keep  the  New  Testament  open  before  him."  f  A  cer- 
tain pastor  was  preparing  to  discuss  in  his  pulpit,  on  Sunday 
evenings,  some  practical  questions  of  social  economy.  He 
mentioned  his  purpose  to  a  friend.  "Indeed  !  "  said  the  friend, 
in  great  surprise.  Then  with  a  sorrowful  air  that  was  very 
touching,  he  added  :  "I  am  afraid  you  will  find  it  very  hard 
to  have  anything  to  say  on  such  questions  that  shall  be  suf- 
ficiently religious  for  a  sanctuary  and  for  Sunday  night."  It 
is  to  be  feared  that  this  pastor's  friend  is  not  alone  in  his  no- 
tion of  religion.  It  is  to  be  feared  that  too  many  people  in 

*"  Old  World  Questions  and  New  World  Answers,"  by  Daniel  Pidgeon. 
New  York:  Harper  Brothers,  18S5,  p.  132. 

t  Motto  of  "Kadical  German  Socialism  and  Christian  Society,"  by  Ku- 
dolf  Toclt,  Wittenburg,  1878. 


CHRISTIANITY  CONCERNED  WITH  TEMPORAL  INTERESTS.   15 

the  church  have  such  a  notion,  and  would  no  more  than  the 
Pharisees  of  old  touch  humanity's  burdens  with  one  of  their 
fingers,  lest  they  he  accused  of  secularism,  irreligion,  world- 
liness.  It  is  to  be  feared  that  too  many  people  outside  of  the 
Christian  church  have  such  a  notion  of  religion,  and  hence 
despise  and  neglect  it,  and  its  services,  its  ordinances,  and  its 
sanctuaries,  as  having  no  place  in  a  busy  life,  no  part  among 
the  productive  factors  of  our  complex  modern  industry.  And 
because  of  this  notion,  piety  is  often  divorced  from  principle 
and  emotion  from  conscience,  and  toiling  millions  ceasing  to 
look  for  help  from  the  Church,  or  for  hope  from  the  God  who 
is  preached  from  the  pulpits,  turn  away  to  indifference  or  to 
atheism. 

But  what  is  religion  ?  "What  is  Christianity  ?  Whom  do 
they  propose  to  help  ?  What  is  the  sort  of  help  they  propose  ? 
Christianity  proposes  help  for  men — for  every  man  ;  for  each 
man  as  a  single,  entire,  indivisible  being — a  being  who  can 
not  be  split  up  into  segments  ;  who  is  body  and  spirit,  one 
man  ;  whose  body  acts  on  his  spirit,  and  his  spirit  on  his 
body  ;  who  is  affection,  conscience,  will — one  man  ;  the  affec- 
tions influencing  the  will,  and  the  conscience  influencing  the 
affections ;  one  man,  spiritual,  earthly,  living  in  the  world, 
destined  for  eternity  ;  a  man  who  prays,  it  may  be,  but  who 
labors  too,  and  whose  prayers  and  labors  affect  each  other — one 
man  with  one  undivided  life.  To  this  man  Christianity  comes. 
What  does  it  offer  him  ?  What  does  it  seek  to  do  for  him  ? 
It  offers  him  redemption  for  his  soul.  Yes  ;  from  the  sin 
that  crushes,  from  the  selfishness  that  tyrannizes.  Christiani- 
ty offers  man  a  true  life  by  Christ,  a  life  with  Christ,  a  life 
like  unto  Christ's  own.  Yes  ;  with  such  a  life  lived,  worked 
out  here,  now,  in  shop,  store,  counting-room,  home,  every- 
where. Christianity  concerns  itself  with  industrial  and  social 
questions  because  man's  relations  to  the  eternal  laws  of  an 
eternal  God  are  involved  in  these  questions.  To  a  missionary 
audience  gathered  last  fall  in  the  Tremont  Temple  in  Boston, 
\vas  addressed  a  missionary  sermon.  The  following  sentences 
from  that  sermon  are  commended  to  those  who  fear  the  secu- 
larizing of  Christianity  by  its  application  to  economic  discus- 
sions :  "It  is  certainly  a  true,  but  it  is  far  from  a  complete 
conception  of  the  aim  of  the  Gospel  merely  to  convert  individ- 


16  STUDIES   IX   MODERX  SOCIALISM. 

ual  souls.  Its  mission  is  to  penetrate  and  transform  society. 
Its  work  is  to  leaven  the  whole  mass  of  human  interests  with 
a  divinely  purifying  power.  It  touches  every  act  and  every 
relation  of  humanity  with  a  life  from  above,  and  interpene- 
trates all  that  man  can  do  with  a  new  spirit  and  a  heavenly 
light.  It  affects  governments,  molds  education,  rectifies  man- 
ners, sweetens  fellowship,  makes  the  common  ways  of  men 
better,  healthier,  happier,  as  well  as  holier.  Its  endeavor  is 
to  realize  a  divine  society  not  hereafter  only  but  on  earth  ;  to 
have  the  kingdom  of  God  come  not  in  the  skies  alone  or  in 
the  future  merely,  but  here  and  among  men."  *  And  how  is 
this  result  to  be  brought  about,  if  anything  that  pertains  to 
humanity  is  to  be  excluded  from  the  sanctuary  and  from  the 
mission  of  the  Church  ?  How  are  we  to  apply  a  divine  rem- 
edy to  human  ills  ;  how  are  trade  and  business  ever  to  be  or- 
ganized on  the  basis  of  divine  law  if  moral  and  Christian  peo- 
ple refuse  to  study  and  to  discuss — and  to  discuss  as  moral  and 
Christian  people  and  amid  the  influences  of  the  sanctuary — 
those  sweeping  industrial  and  social  epidemics  that  menace  us, 
that  we  may  know  whether  we  have  or  have  not  any  adequate 
remedy  for  them  ? 

At  Canterbury  Cathedral  is  the  grave  of  Stephen  Langton, 
the  greatest  English  prelate.  Some  builder,  making  an  addi- 
tion to  the  Cathedral  after  Langton's  burial,  not  wishing  to 
disturb  the  grave,  arched  it  over  with  a  wall,  so  that  it  lies 
partly  within  and  partly  without  the  sacred  inclosure.  f  This 
dead  bishop's  grave  is  a  not  unfitting  symbol  of  what  a  living 
Christianity  and  a  living  Church  must  be  ;  touching  the  holy 
of  holies  of  divinest  facts  and  highest  truths,  but  because 
touching  these  touching  also  the  wide  world  of  common  duty 
and  the  most  vulgar  need  of  busiest  life. 

For  one  I  refuse  to  stand  apart  from  these  large  issues  of 
social  order.  I  refuse  to  be  scared  away  from  any  endeavor 
to  widen  the  range  of  righteousness,  by  the  pale,  meager  ghost 
of  a  feared  secularity.  I  refuse  to  recognize  as  truly  spiritual 

*  Eev.  George  Leon  Walker,  D.  D.,  of  First  Congregational  Church,  Hart- 
ford, Connecticut. 

t  "  Six  Centuries  of  "Work  and  Wages."  By  Thorold  Eogcrs.  New 
York  :  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  1"S4. 


CHRIST'S  CHRISTIANITY   TAUGHT   SOCIAL  DUTIES.        17 

and  religious  any  creed  or  doctrine  of  worship  which  can  not 
appeal  with  power  to  "men's  business  and  bosoms."  When  I 
am  forbidden  in  the  name  of  religion,  of  the  sanctity  of  the 
Sunday  and  the  sanctuary,  to  speak  of  diseases  that  threaten 
the  dissolution  of  society  and  the  death  of  all  faith,  because, 
forsooth,  my  talk  must  be  for  the  most  part  something  other 
than  what  is  technically  called  religious  talk,  I  answer  that 
in  the  name  of  religion,  in  the  name  of  the  Sunday,  the  sanc- 
tuary, the  pulpit,  the  church,  in  the  name  of  God,  in  the  name 
of  the  humanity  that  the  religion  I  believe  in  was  intended  to 
bless  and  to  elevate,  I  will  speak.  And  I  appeal  to  my  Mas- 
ter for  my  right  thus  to  speak.  Listen  to  the  words  of  Jesus 
Christ  :  "  If  ye  have  not  been  faithful  in  the  unrighteous  mam- 
mon, who  will  commit  to  your  trust  the  true  riches  ? "  How 
such  words  ought  to  broaden  our  thought  of  religion  and 
Christianity  !  Spirituality  builds  character  out  of  materials 
furnished  by  morality.  Justice,  honor,  honesty,  integrity, 
righteousness  from  man  to  man — these  have  much  to  do  with 
the  shaping  of  character,  the  saving  of  the  soul,  the  destinies 
of  eternity.*  The  soul  that  has  no  capacity  for  common  mo- 
rality has  no  capacity  for  the  unsearchable  riches  of  Christ. 
The  religion  that  ignores  these  social  facts  is  a  half  religion — 
a  useless  religion. 

In  discussing  some  of  the  practical  applications  of  Chris- 
tian ethics  to  a  few  of  the  more  urgent  economic  and  social 
problems,  I  do  not  claim  to  speak  as  an  expert  in  economic 
science.  The  more  I  have  studied  these  questions,  so  intricate, 
so  multiplex  in  their  bearings,  so  occult  in  their  varied  forces, 
working,  as  another  has  said,  from  "  directions  so  diverse,  and 
from  distances  so  historic,"  f  the  less  I  find  I  know  about  them. 
I  only  claim  to  speak  as  one  who  tries  to  keep  his  eyes  open, 

*  "  1  will  do  no  more  here  than  just  to  add  my  profound  conviction  that  a 
greater  mistake  can  not  be  made  than  that  of  supposing  that  because  our 
Lord  brings  another  world  into  light,  and  heightens  the  hope  of  immortality, 
His  teaching  and  lib  word  are  not  for  this  world  too,  and  for  men  and  women 
here  and  now.  The  truth  is  that  the  very  character  which  is  essential  for  the 
future  world  in  the  very  character  which  here  in  this  world,  is  the  salt  of  the 
earth."  "Reassuring  Hints."  By  Rev.  Henry  Footman.  New  York  :  James 
Pott  &  Co.,  1885.  P.  168. 

t"  Social  Problems."  By  Newman  Smyth.  Boston:  Iloughton,  Mifllin 
&  Co.,  1885.  P.  7. 


18  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

his  thoughts  clear,  and  his  heart  warm  with  all  kindly  human 
feeling.  I  hope  to  be  religious  in  spirit  ;  but  I  do  not  seek  to 
be  technically  religious  in  thought  or  phrase.  There  will  be  in 
these  pages,  perhaps  a  trace  of  theology,  but  certainly  a  great 
deal  of  economical  philosophy  ;  little  professional  and  pulpit 
talk,  and  much  market-place  and  workshop  talk.  I  hope  to 
be  discriminating  and  fair  ;  free  too,  as  one  whom  no  capital- 
ist owns,  and  no  trades-union  controls  ;  claiming  that  utmost 
Christian  liberty  of  thought  and  utterance  which  the  historic 
Church  whom  it  is  my  honor  to  serve,  has  always  asserted 
for  its  ministers.  And  you  will  give  a  fair  hearing  to  fair 
speech. 

It  will  surely  help  us  that  we  look  these  problems  squarely 
in  the  face.  They  may  seem  less  terribly  insoluble  by  our 
candid  study  of  them.  It  may  be  we  shall  find  that  the  press- 
ure of  industrial  disorders,  and  the  rapid  spread  of  socialistic 
philosophies  are  calling  our  attention  to  our  prolonged  neglect 
of  certain  very  essential  moralities  in  our  industrial  and  social 
organization.*  It  may  be  we  shall  find  that  the  selfish  prin- 
ciple, "Everyman  for  himself,  and  the  devil  take  the  hind- 
most," is  not  the  most  useful  economic  principle,  and  that  the 
highest  economic  thought  and  the  best  and  most  profitable 
economic  action,  are  coming  with  rapidly  converging  lines 
toward  the  spirit,  the  cross,  the  law  of  Jesus  Christ.  It  may  be 
we  shall  find  that  the  only  secret  of  all  fraternity,  of  all  com- 
bination, of  all  cooperation,  the  only  reconciliation  of  social 
differences,  the  only  sufficient  guarantee  of  just  wages,  honest 
labor,  happy  life,  are  in  fellowship  with  One  who  was  born  in  a 
stable,  cradled  in  a  stall,  the  child  of  poverty,  the  companion 
of  fishermen,  whose  hands  were  hardened  and  browned  by 
lowly  toil,  yet  who  sat  an  honored,  courteous  guest  at  rich 
men's  tables,  and  slept  his  last  earthly  slumber  in  a  rich  man's 
tomb — One — Jesus,  the  carpenter,  friend,  brother,  Savior  of 
humanity,  worthy  to  be  the  master,  since  he  became  the  ser- 
vant of  all. 

*  See  "  Work  among  Workingmen."     Ellice  Hopkins.     London :  Kegan 
Paul,  Trench  &  Co.,  1882.    P.  166. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  HISTORY  OF  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

"  Our  rich  men,  though  they  purchase  pictures,  statues,  and  embossed 
plate ;  though  they  pull  down  new  buildings  and  erect  others,  and  lavish  and 
abuse  their  wealth  in  every  possible  method,  yet  can  not  with  the  utmost  ef- 
forts of  caprice  exhaust  it.  But  for  us  there  is  poverty  at  home,  debts  abroad. 
Our  present  circumstances  arc  bad ;  our  prospects  much  worse.  What,  in  a 
word,  have  we  left,  but  a  miserable  existence  ? " — Catiline  to  the  Conspirators.* 

THE  14th  of  October,  1806,  was  a  memorable  day  for  the 
German  University  town  of  Jena.  From  the  neighboring 
heights  of  the  Landgraffenberg  the  batteries  of  Napoleon  were 
plowing  deadly  furrows  through  the  ranks  of  the  Prussians. 
Murat's  cavalry,  twelve  thousand  strong,  had  swept  the  wa- 
vering host  of  the  enemy,  as  with  the  rush  of  a  tornado.  Even 
after  dark  the  pitiless  conflict  raged.  In  one  of  the  houses  of 
Jena,  a  teacher  in  the  University  sat  writing  all  through  the 
day  and  far  into  the  night.  The  thunder  of  cannon,  the  clat- 
ter of  multitudinous  iron  hoofs,  the  screams  and  groans  of  the 
wounded  and  the  dying,  fell  unheeded  on  his  ear.  What 
were  the  fates  of  men  and  of  empires  compared  with  the  great 
thoughts  which  crowded  his  brain  and  sought  expression  by 
his  pen  ?  In  the  cold  gray  of  the  morning,  his  task  accom- 
plished, the  philosopher  hastened  away  to  his  publisher,  to  be 
brought  down  suddenly,  however,  from  his  aerial  flight,  as  he 
entered  the  street,  and  was  informed  by  bearded  gesticulating 
Frenchmen,  who  made  him  their  prisoner,  that  men's  present 
interests  lay  in  a  somewhat  different  direction  from  almost 
undecipherable  manuscripts  and  even  more  incomprehensible 
philosophies. 

*  Ballast,  "  Conspiracy  of  Catiline,"  section  xx. 


20  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

In  one  of  our  American  cities,  there  was  a  meeting  of  So- 
cialists. A  woman  rose,  and  with  fierce  invective  in  her 
tones,  screamed  out  :  "  Workingmen,  why  will  you  be  slaves  ? 
Twenty-five  cents'  worth  of  hog's  grease  in  each  man's  hand, 
and  rightly  used,  will  free  you  from  your  masters  !  " 

Between  the  nameless  scold  and  George  Frederick  Hegel, 
the  philosopher,  there  seems  to  be  a  measureless  distance. 
Here,  the  angry  woman,  with  speech  revolutionary  and  maud- 
lin !  Yonder,  the  studious,  quiet  thinker,  thinking  thoughts 
so  tough  that  he  is  reputed  himself  to  have  said  of  them  : 
"There  has  been  only  one  man  who  understood  me,  and  even 
he  did  nqt  understand  me ! "  Yet  between  these  two,  stretches 
the  history  of  nineteenth  century  Socialism.  It  is  to  this 
century  that  we  must  confine  our  survey,  and  even  here  we 
can  only  take  hurried  glimpses. 

Socialism,  indeed,  is  no  new  thing  under  the  sun.  In  all 
ages,  in  every  land,  whenever  there  were  large  inequalities  in 
human  conditions,  socialistic  yearnings  appeared,  either  as 
protests  against  existing  evils,  or  in  dreamy  plans  for  social 
reconstruction.  Until  the  present  age,  however,  these  plans 
and  protests  had  for  the  most  part  taken  the  form  of  philo- 
sophic or  experimental  Communism,  which  is  a  special  type 
of  Socialism.  Plato's  Republic  will  at  once  occur  to  you,  in 
which  the  most  subtle  and  spiritual  of  ancient  thinkers  advo- 
cated community  of  property,  community  of  wives  and  chil- 
dren, the  absolute  equality  of  the  sexes,  with  the  same  educa- 
tion and  the  same  occupation  for  both.  The  outcome  of  the 
first  burst  of  Christian  enthusiasm  in  Jerusalem  was  a  species 
of  communism  among  the  disciples.  A  very  serious  blunder, 
as  it  turned  out,  short-lived  and  leaving  the  Jerusalem  saints 
pauperized  and  dependent  for  bread  upon  the  charity  of  their 
brothers  from  other  regions.*  In  the  history  of  the  Church 
the  spirit  of  Communism  was  always  finding  expression.  The 
monasteries  and  convents,  which  crowded  Europe,  were  com- 
munistic establishments.  Amid  the  upheavals  of  the  middle 
ages  we  find  Millenarians,  Adamites,  "Brothers  and  Sisters  of 
the  Free  Spirit,"  in  the  Netherlands,  Taborites  in  Holland, 

*  See  article,  "  The  Christian  Conception  of  Property."  C.  H.  Parkliurst. 
"  The  New  Princeton  Eeview,"  January,  1886,  p.  36. 


COMMUNISM  IN  THE  PAST.  21 

many  of  the  Anabaptists  in  Germany,  the  Levellers  in  Eng- 
land, all  Communists.  Charged  with  these  same  ideas,  we 
have  Joachim  writing  his  "Everlasting  Gospel,"  and  Fenelon 
his  "Salente,"  and  Harrington  his  "  Civitas  Solis,"  and  Sir 
Thomas  More  his  "Utopia."  More's  work  reads  as  though 
issued  from  the  campaign  press  of  the  International  Society. 
When  he  declares  that  existing  governments  are  in  fact  only 
"  permanent  conspiracies  of  the  rich  to  further  their  own  in- 
terest under  the  mask  of  the  common  good,  and  to  despoil 
labor,"  we  can  almost  imagine  that  we  are  listening  to  Las- 
salle,  or  Hyndman,  or  Herr  Most.  Few  Socialists,  however, 
would  go  as  far  as  More,  and  wish  that  all  should  eat  at  a  com- 
mon table,  and  dress  after  the  same  fashion.  Whenever  in 
these  ages,  such  ideas  pervaded  masses  of  men  whose  suffer- 
ings had  become  intolerable,  there  were  insurrections  and 
massacres  ;  as  by  the  Shepherds  and  Jacquerie  in  France,  by 
Wat  Tyler  in  England,  and  by  John  of  Leyden  in  Germany. 
The  "oldest  American  charter"  under  which  Virginia  was 
settled,  provided  for  "  a  common  storehouse  into  which  prod- 
ucts were  to  be  poured,  and  from  which  they  were  to  be  dis- 
tributed according  to  the  needs  of  the  colonists."  Under  this 
constitution,  the  people  of  Jamestown  lived  for  five  years.  The 
first  pilgrims  to  New  England  had  a  similar  arrangement,  and 
the  Boston  Common  of  to-day  is  the  historic  monument  of  that 
early  Communism. 

Here  let  us  pause  a  moment  at  the  verge  of  our  own  cent- 
ury and  ask  what  is  Communism  ?  What  is  Socialism  ?  They 
are  allied  in  both  principle  and  practice.  They  both  express 
dissatisfaction  with  existing  conditions.  They  both  aim,  by 
radical  measures,  at  improving  the  common  lot  of  humanity, 
and  especially  of  the  lower  classes,  so  called.  What  is  Com- 
munism ?  What  is  Socialism  ?  Questions  far  more  easily 
asked  than  answered.  As  between  the  two,  Socialism  is  the 
genus  of  which  Communism  is  a  species.  Every  Communist 
is  a  Socialist.  But  all  Socialists  are  not  Communists.  What, 
then,  is  Socialism  ?  In  no  book  have  I  seen  a  clear,  exhaust- 
ive, satisfying  definition.  Everybody  who  desires  the  improve- 
ment of  society  is  a  Socialist  in  the  opinion  of  some  other 
body.  "Are  you  not  a  Socialist  ?  "  asked  the  French  magis- 
trate, who  was  examining  Proudhon.  "  Certainly."  "  Well, 


22  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

but  what,  then,  is  Socialism  ?"  "It  is  every  aspiration  toward 
the  improvement  of  society."  "But  in  that  case  we  are  all 
Socialists."  "That  is  precisely  what  I  think."*  Of  course, 
Proudhon  gave  no  true  definition.  Socialism  is  a  plan  for  the 
reorganization  of  society,  on  the  basis  of  social  or  state  owner- 
ship of  all  the  instruments  of  production.  Its  war-cry  is, 
"Free  land,  free  tools,  free  money."  It  is  an  endeavor  to 
determine,  by  state  enactment,  the  price  which  shall  be  paid 
for  labor  and  for  the  product  of  labor.  It  is  not  a  war  upon 
capital  or  private  property  as  such,  but  war  only  upon  the 
individual  ownership  of  productive  capital,  and  against  cer- 
tains forms  of  private  property.  Communism,  as  distinguished 
from  Socialism,  is  the  abolition  of  all  forms  of  private  prop- 
erty. It  is  absolute  community  of  good.  The  Socialist's  prin- 
ciple of  distribution  would  be  "to  every  man  according  to  his 
work,"  the  Communist's  principle,  "to  every  man  according 
to  his  need."  It  is  not  Communism,  illustrated  by  Virginia  or 
Massachusetts  charters,  by  Owenite  settlements  at  New  Lanark 
or  New  Harmony,  by  the  Icarians  of  Nauvoo,  the  Zoarites  in 
Ohio,  the  Amanaites  in  Iowa,  by  the  Shakers  and  the  Oneida 
Perfectionists  ;  it  is  not  this,  but  Socialism — state  or  social 
ownership  of  the  instruments  of  production,  state  or  social 
determination  of  the  price  of  labor — with  which,  in  these  dis- 
cussions, we  chiefly  have  to  deal. 

Turn  again  to  history.  When  Hegel  finished  his  philo- 
sophic treatise,  on  that  bloody  night  at  Jena,  the  French  Rev- 
olution had  come  and  gone.  It  had  come  like  a  spasm  of 
disease  that  had  convulsed  the  world.  It  had  gone,  leaving 
social  anarchy,  financial  ruin,  governmental  absolutism  be- 
hind, but  leaving  also  influences  of  unrest  and  revolution  that 
are  still  at  work.  Rousseau  had  taught  that  there  was  no 
foundation  of  property  but  need  ;  and  Brissot,  anticipating 
the  famous  words  of  Proudhon,  that  "exclusive  property  is 
theft "  ;  and  Saint  Just,  that  "  the  right  to  property  can  not  be 
the  right  to  starve  one's  fellow-citizens,  since  the  fruits  of  the 
earth,  like  the  air,  belong  to  all  men "  ;  and  Baboeuf,  that 
' '  the  state  must  be  sole  proprietor  and  employer,  dispensing 
to  every  man  his  work,  according  to  his  particular  skill,  and 

*  Quoted  from  Laveleye's  "Socialism  of  To-Day,"  p.  xv. 


THE   "HEAD"   OF  SOCIAL   " EMANCIPATION."  23 

his  subsistence  in  honorable  sufficiency,  according  to  his 
wants."  These  principles  had  been  formulated  in  the  decrees 
of  the  French  National  Convention,  during  the  dominance 
of  the  Mountain  party.*  When  the  forces  of  revolution  had 
been  crushed  by  the  forces  of  military  despotism,  the  ideas 
that  had  been  the  volcanic  fires  of  the  great  upheaval  were 
still  vital  ideas.  And  with  them  wrought  the  war-cry  of  the 
Revolution — "Liberty,  equality,  fraternity." 

Karl  Marx  said,  "The  reformation  was  the  work  of  a  monk, 
the  new  revolution  will  be  the  work  of  a  philosopher."  "  The 
head  of  this  emancipation  is  philosophy.  Its  heart  is  the 
proletariate. "  Here  we  have  our  historic  line  reaching  from 
Hegel  at  Jena  to  the  woman  in  Chicago.  For  in  Hegel  Social- 
ism found  its  philosopher.  Hegel  was  not  a  Socialist.  But 
it  was  his  teaching  as  to  the  constitution  of  things  and  the 
method  of  history  that  furnished  the  basis  for  modern  Social- 
istic argument.  Hegel  had  transformed  the  world  with  its 
personal  deity  and  personal  immortality  into  a  world  of  rea- 
son. Feuerbach,  a  disciple  of  Hegel,  went  further  and  abol- 
ished reason  itself.  He  affirmed  the  senses  to  be  the  only 
sources  of  real  knowledge,  that  the  body  is  not  only  a  part  of 
man's  being,  but  is  the  whole  of  it,  and  that  a  man  is  what 
he  eats.  "Man,"  said  Feuerbach,  "has  no  other  God  before 
man.  Man  alone  is  our  God,  our  Father,  our  Judge,  our 
Redeemer,  our  law  and  rule,  the  Alpha  and  Omega  of  our 
political,  moral,  public  and  domestic  life  and  work.  There 
is  no  salvation  but  by  man.  Hence,  as  there  is  no  person 
above  man — no  person  who  in  being  or  right  is  more  than  a 
man — so  there  is  no  person  who  is  less.  There  must  be  no 
slaves,  no  heretics,  no  outcasts,  no  outlaws,  but  every  being 
who  wears  human  flesh  must  be  placed  in  the  enjoyment  of 
the  full  rights  and  privileges  of  man.  The  will  of  man  be 
done.  Hallowed  be  his  name."f  On  this  humanist,  mate- 
rialist foundation  of  young  Hegelianism,  scientific  Socialism 
builded.  Interpreting  history  and  forecasting  the  future  by 

*  "  History  of  Political  Economy."  Ge'rome-Adolphe  Blanqui.  New 
York :  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  1880,  p.  427. 

t  Quoted  from  "  Contemporary  Socialism."  John  Kae,  A.  M.  New  York : 
Charles  Scribner's  Sons,  1884,  pp.  115,  116. 


2-J-  STUDIES  IX  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

the  Hegelian  method,  holding  loyal  allegiance  to  Feuerbach's 
humanism,  fortifying  themselves  by  prolonged  study  of  polit- 
ical economy,  statistics,  history,  law  and  literature,  the  lead- 
ers of  Socialist  thought  started  on  their  careers  for  the  renova- 
tion of  society.  Chief  among  these  leaders  may  be  mentioned 
Karl  Marx  and  Ferdinand  Lassalle. 

Marx  was  born  at  Treves  in  1818.  He  was  educated  at 
Bonn,  banished  to  Paris,  thence  to  Brussels,  returned  for  a 
while  to  Germany,  was  driven  to  London,  where,  dividing  his 
time  between  economic  studies  and  direction  of  the  Interna- 
tional Society,  he  lived  until  his  death  in  1883.  In  1867  Marx 
published  his  famous  work  on  capital.  We  shall  have  fre- 
quent occasion  to  refer  to  Marx's  theories,  and  can  only  stop 
to  note  that  the  aim  of  his  book  is  to  prove  that  as  society  is 
now  constituted  all  capital  is  the  result  of  robbery.  The 
book  is  reverenced  by  Socialists  as  their  Bible,  the  supreme 
flower  of  all  economic  wisdom.  Its  knotty  mathematical  and 
syllogistic  abstractions,  translated  into  common  speech,  have 
largely  become  the  workingman's  catechism  throughout  the 
world. 

Ferdinand  Lassalle  was  born  at  Breslau  in  1825.  He  was 
early  interested  in  economic  studies,  and  himself  tells  us  that 
at  the  age  of  twelve  his  "  astonishment  was  aroused  at  finding 
his  mother  and  sister  buying  in  retail  shops  the  same  goods 
his  father  sold  wholesale."  At  the  University  he  accepted 
Hegel  as  his  master  in  philosophy,  and  in  politics  ranged  him- 
self with  the  most  radical  democrats,  already  known  as  "rev- 
olutionaries." If  Marx  was  the  Melanchthon  of  the  Social 
Reformation,  Lassalle  was  its  Luther.  If  Marx  was  the 
Moses,  the  lawgiver  of  the  New  Exodus  from  the  Egypt  of 
capitalistic  bondage,  Lassalle  was  the  Joshua,  organizing  the 
uprising  horde  of  freedmen  and  inspiring  them  for  the  con- 
quest of  the  Socialist  Canaan.  Lassalle  taught  little  that  was 
new.  He  was  the  agitator,  rather  than  the  thinker.  He  was 
young,  handsome,  magnetic,  admired  by  men,  caressed  by 
women.  He  was  the  especial  friend  of  Humboldt,  who  called 
him  his  "youthful  prodigy."  He  was  the  intimate  of  Bis- 
marck, on  whose  white  uniform  he  is  said  to  have  left  the  red 
badge  of  strong  sympathy  with  the  aims  of  the  new  revolu- 
tion. Wielding  the  economic  maxims  of  Adam  Smith  and 


CHRISTIAN  SOCIALISTS  IN  ENGLAND.  25 

Ricardo,  and  borrowing  largely  from  Proudhon,  Louis  Blanc, 
and  Karl  Marx,  Lassalle  snatched  Socialism  from  the  dreamy 
regions  of  books  and  abstract  thought,  and  hurled  it  as  a  fire- 
brand of  strife  into  the  streets,  the  workshops  and  the  homes 
of  the  poor.  By  two  years  of  work  he  had  aroused  all  Ger- 
many, and  created  the  Democratic  Socialist  party.  Wher- 
ever he  went  he  left  a  host  of  admirers,  who  speedily  formed 
themselves  into  workingmen's  associations. 

In  no  country  of  Europe  were  the  conditions  of  labor  satis- 
factory. Over  in  England  Christian  hearts  had  been  stirred. 
The  Chartist  movement,  conjoined  with  the  Paris  revolution 
of  1848,  had  aroused  Frederick  Maurice,  Charles  Kingsley, 
Thomas  Hughes  and  their  co-workers  to  organize  a  society 
called  Christian  Socialists.  These  men  were  in  no  true  sense 
Socialists.  They  were  only  large-hearted  lovers  of  their  race, 
who  sought  that  some  nobler  justice  than  seemed  possible 
from  the  teachings  of  the  Manchester  economists,  should  be 
exercised  toward  the  working  classes.  The  efforts  of  these 
Christian  men  accomplished  some  noteworthy  reforms,  and 
largely  aided  in  the  co-operative  movements  that  have  be- 
come such  a  power  in  English  industry.*  In  June,  1851, 
Kingsley  preached  to  workingmen  in  a  London  church. 
When  he  concluded,  the  rector  of  the  parish  rose  and  de- 
nounced the  sermon.  It  was  a  painful  scene,  and  a  riot 
seemed  imminent.  Kingsley  returned  home  weary  and  soul- 
sick,  and  wrote  his  "Three  Fishers,"  whose  truthful,  mourn- 
ful cadences  have  thrilled  so  many  hearts  alike  of  rich  and 
poor  : 

"  Three  fishers  went  sailing  out  into  the  West, 
Out  into  the  West,  as  the  sun  went  down ; 
Each  thought  of  the  woman  who  loved  him  the  best, 
And  the  children  stood  watching  them  out  of  the  town. 
For  men  must  work,  and  women  must  weep, 
And  there's  little  to  earn  and  many  to  keep, 
Though  the  harbor  bar  be  moaning. 

*  Goddard  H.  Orpon,  "  Socialism  in  England,"  in  Lavcleye's  "  Socialism 
of  To-Day,"  pp.  300-306.  Rae's  "  Contem.  Soc.,"  pp.  225-228.  Ely's  "  French 
and  Germ.  Social.,"  pp.  249-256.  "  Christian  Socialists,"  R.  T.  Ely,  in  "  The 
Christian  Union,"  May  28,  June  4,  June  11,  1885. 


26  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

"  Three  wives  sat  up  in  the  lighthouse  tower, 

And  they  trimmed  the  lamps  as  the  sun  went  down ; 
They  looked  at  the  squall,  and  they  looked  at  the  shower, 
And  the  night-rack  came  rolling  up  ragged  and  brown. 
But  men  must  work,  and  women  must  weep, 
Though  storms  be  sudden  and  waters  be  deep, 
And  the  harbor  bar  be  moaning. 

"  Three  corpses  lay  out  on  the  shining  sands, 

In  the  morning  gleam,  as  the  tide  went  down. 
And  the  women  are  weeping  and  wringing  their  hands, 
For  those  who  will  never  come  back  to  the  town. 
For  men  must  work,  and  women  must  weep, 
And  the  sooner  it's  over  the  sooner  to  sleep, 
And  good- by  to  the  bar  and  its  moaning."  f 

The  movements  of  the  Socialist  agitation  are  becoming 
almost  too  rapid  even  for  our  rapid  glances.  Societies  are 
everywhere  springing  up.  In  France  we  have  the  followers 
of  Auguste  Blanqui,  with  their  motto,  "Neither  God  nor 
Master  " ;  and  the  Anarchists  led  by  Prince  Krapotkine,  Elisee 
Reclus,  and  Emile  Gautier,  who  wish  with  fire  and  dynamite 
to  abolish  property,  state,  inheritance,  the  family,  religion  ; 
and  the  Collectivists,  the  disciples  of  Marx,  who  have  many 
millionaires  in  their  membership,  and  whose  chief  tenet  is  the 
nationalization  of  land.  Laveleye  believes  that  a  majority  of 
French  workmen  are  Socialists.  In  Germany  there  are  Social 
Democrats,  State  Socialists,  Anarchists,  Christian  Socialists 
and  the  Socialists  of  the  Chair.  Some  of  the  members  of  this 
latter  school  occupy  professorships  of  political  economy  in  the 
leading  Universities,  notably  Wagner  at  Berlin,  "who,  while 
not  Socialists  within  the  limits  of  our  definition,  yet  have 
large  sympathy  with  the  aspirations  of  the  working  classes 
and  an  intense  antagonism  toward  the  leading  maxims  of  the 
orthodox  economy.  In  Spain,  Holland,  Denmark,  Austria, 
Socialism  is  taking  root,  while  Russia  pours  forth  a  glacial 
stream  of  chaotic  Nihilism,  with  Michel  Bakunin  as  its 
apostle  ;  although  to-day,  in  Russia,  the  aim  of  the  Nihilist 
is  not  Socialism,  but  political  and  constitutional  reform. 

Hitherto  Socialism  had  presented  only  national  aspects. 

t  Charles  Kingsley,  his  ''Letters  and  Memoirs,"  p.  156. 


RISE  OF   "TIIE  INTERNATIONAL."  27 

Its  logical  working  developed  Internationalism.  Says  Lave- 
leye,  "The  cosmopolitan  character  of  capital,  the  facility  of 
transport  and  exchange,  the  identity  of  manufacturing  pro- 
cesses, naturally  lead  to  an  international  association  of  work- 
ingmen."* By  many  employers,  the  places  of  men  on  strike 
had  been  filled  by  importations  from  abroad.  Workingmen 
saw  that  this  would  not  do.  There  must  be  a  common  under- 
standing among  the  workingmen  of  all  countries.  In  1862 
certain  French  manufacturers  and  newspapers  proposed  that 
a  delegation  of  French  workmen  be  sent  to  the  London  Exhi- 
bition. The  idea  was  sanctioned  by  the  Emperor  ;  and,  by 
the  suffrage  of  the  several  trades,  the  delegates  were  chosen. 
On  the  5th  of  August,  1862,  the  French  delegates  and  their 
English  hosts  held  a  fete  of  international  fraternization  at 
Free-Masons'  Tavern  in  London.  On  the  28th  of  September, 
1864,  a  meeting  of  the  workingmen  of  all  nations  was  held  in 
St.  Martin's  Hall,  London.  A  committee  of  fifty  was  ap- 
pointed to  draw  up  statutes  of  organization,  to  be  submitted  to 
a  Universal  Congress.  This  Congress  met  at  Geneva,  Septem- 
ber 3,  1866.  Its  tone  was  moderate.  Its  pronounced  aim  was 
the  joint  action,  the  advancement  and  the  complete  emancipa- 
tion of  the  working  classes.  In  1867  the  Society  began  to 
make  its  power  felt.  Karl  Marx  was  the  soul  of  the  move- 
ment. Soon  dissensions  sprang  up.  The  violent  spirit  of 
some  members  did  not  suit  the  careful  and  conservative  spirit 
of  other  members.  At  first  the  International  was  only  a  vast 
trades-union.  But  there  were  those  who  wished  to  make  it 
the  organ  of  revolution.  Its  sessions  became  scenes  of  wordy 
war.  Yet  still  it  spread.  It  pushed  out  into  Denmark,  Port- 
ugal and  the  United  States.  In  1869,  at  the  Congress  at 
Bale,  Cameron,  the  American  delegate  of  the  National  Labor 
Union,  declared  that  he  had  brought  to  the  Congress  the  ad- 
hesion of  800,000  unionists.  There  is  no  proof  whatever  of 
the  charge  that  the  terrible  scenes  in  Paris  in  1870  were  the 
work  of  the  Internationalists.  The  uprising  of  the  Commune, 
or  Parisian  municipality,  was  a  political  movement,  not  at  all 
a  Communist  or  Socialist  uprising  ;  though  after  the  fall  of 
the  Commune  the  General  Council  of  the  International  did 

*  "  The  Socialism  of  To-Day." 


28  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

send  from  London  manifestoes  expressing  their  admiration 
and  sympathy  for  "the  glorious  vanquished."  At  the  Con- 
gress of  the  Hague  in  1872,  Holland,  Belgium,  Denmark, 
Germany,  Switzerland,  France,  Spain,  Portugal,  Hungary, 
England,  Ireland,  America  and  Australia,  were  represented. 
There  was  a  fatal  clash  of  opposing  tendencies.  Some  of  the 
more  violent  members  left  the  Congress.  A  few  were  ex- 
pelled. Marx  and  his  party  triumphed,  and  the  seat  of  the 
General  Council  was  transferred  to  New  York.  The  Inter- 
national, as  representing  the  United  Socialistic  Workingmen 
of  the  World,  ceased  to  exist.  But  the  fragments  of  the 
broken  union  survive  in  all  lands,  vital  with  potencies  for  un- 
measured good  or  evil.  Meanwhile,  in  England,  socialistic 
doctrines  have  been  taking  deep  root.  Karl  Marx's  residence 
in  London  was  not  without  fruit.  The  principles  of  the 
Social  Democracy  pervade  the  working  classes  ;  while  states- 
men, clergymen,  nobles  and  commoners  are  uniting  in  leagues 
for  the  nationalization  of  land. 

The  first  revolutionary  socialism  was  probably  brought  to 
this  country  by  German  immigrants  in  1848.  In  1865  a  band  of 
the  disciples  of  Lassalle  was  organized  in  New  York.  In  1868 
American  workingmen  were  represented  at  the  International 
Congress.  Since  then  the  relation  between  American  labor 
and  European  Socialism  has  never  been  broken.  In  1872  New 
York  became  the  seat  of  the  Internationalist  Council.  In  1879 
Augustus  Maverick  published  a  full-page  article  in  the  "  New 
York  Tribune,"  in  which  he  traced  the  intimacy  between  the 
American  Labor  Union  and  the  International,  and  claimed, 
with  what  justice  I  do  not  know,  that  the  great  railroad  strike 
of  1877,  culminating  in  the  Pittsburg  riots,  was  fomented  by 
the  plots  of  the  International. 

Like  its  European  progenitor,  revolutionary  socialism  in 
America  has  been  split  in  twain.  The  schism  took  place  in 
1883.  One  party  is  known  as  the  International  Working  Peo- 
ple's Association.  These  are  the  extremists,  anarchists,  dyna- 
miters. The  other  party  is  called  the  Socialistic  Labor  party. 
In  the  intellectual  and  educational  quality  of  its  members  and 
in  the  method  of  its  propaganda  it  differs  widely  from  the  In- 
ternational. But  the  aim  of  the  two  parties  is  identical,  social 
reorganization  through  ultimate  revolution. 


"PROGRESS  AND  POVERTY."  29 

In  1879  Henry  George  published  his  world-famous  work 
entitled  "  Progress  and  Poverty."  Mr.  George  is  not  a  Social- 
ist, except  as  to  the  national  ownership  of  land.  But  the  at- 
mosphere of  the  book  is  thoroughly  Socialistic.  His  premises 
are  those  of  Karl  Marx  and  Lassalle.  The  book  is  intensely 
fascinating.  The  eloquence  of  its  style,  the  gleanings  from 
literature,  the  skillful  marshaling  of  facts  and  figures,  the 
earnest  moral,  even  religious  enthusiasm  of  a  great  idea  and  a 
dominant  purpose,  sweep  your  sympathies  along  with  the 
rushing  tide  of  his  arguments,  even  when  the  arguments  do 
not  carry  your  convictions.  No  book  in  this  age  has  made  so 
profound  an  impression.  No  economic  treatise  has  ever  been 
so  widely  read.  It  has  put  critics  to  their  mettle.  It  has  made 
converts  in  most  unlooked-for  centers  of  economic  thought.  It 
has  captured  the  faith  of  multitudes  of  English-speaking  work- 
iiigmen.  Its  appearance  was  timely  for  its  success.  The  panic 
of  1873  and  the  wide-spread  commercial  disasters  and  prolonged 
depressions  of  trade  and  industries  that  followed,  checking  prog- 
ress and  bringing  the  weight  of  crushing  poverty  upon  tens  of 
thousands,  have  furnished  fruitful  soil  for  its  seed.  Its  prem- 
ises and  conclusions  with  all  their  radical  defects  are  widely 
accepted  articles  in  the  workingman's  creed.  A  part  of  its 
fruit  appeared  in  New  York  city  on  September  5,  1883.  From 
ten  to  fifteen  thousand  men  paraded  the  streets  under  the  au- 
spices of  the  Central  Labor  Union.  They  bore  banners  in- 
scribed with  such  mottoes  as  these  :  "Workers  in  tenement- 
houses — idlers  in  brown-stone  fronts";  " Labor  is  the  rock  on 
which  the  Government  of  the  future  must  be  built." 

The  philosopher  has  done  his  work.  The  abstract  princi- 
ples which  few  can  understand  have  filtered  down  through  all 
ranks  of  society,  until  angry  want  has  translated  them  into 
common  and  threatening  speech,  making  them  the  war-cry  of 
the  ignorant  and  the  desperate.  The  Socialist  woman  of  Chi- 
cago and  the  philosopher  of  Jena  touch  hands. 

This  survey  of  the  history  will  at  once  disabuse  our  minds 
of  the  notion  that  there  is  nothing  in  Socialism  worth  our  at- 
tention. It  will  also  disabuse  our  minds  of  the  notion  that 
the  typical  Socialist  is  a  cropped-haired,  low-browed,  beery- 
breathed,  brutal  fellow,  with  a  pistol  in  his  belt,  a  bowie- 
knife  in  his  boot,  a  torch  in  one  hand,  club  in  the  other,  and 


30  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

a  package  of  dynamite  in  his  pocket.  Some  Socialists  are  that, 
but  all  are  not.  The  majority  are  not.  Many  are  educated, 
refined,  well-to-do  gentlemen,  poets,  artists,  editors,  with  some 
capitalists.  Nor  are  we  to  identify  Socialism  with  atheism. 
The  chief  leaders  have  been  atheists.  Its  philosophic  origin 
was  atheistic.  Multitudes  of  the  rank  and  file  are  atheists.  It 
is  sad  enough  that  so  many  men  and  women  are  found  who 
say  that  they  have  no  further  use  for  God.  "  He  does  not  care 
for  me,  why  should  I  care  for  Him  ? "  But  atheism  is  no  ne- 
cessary part  of  Socialism.  There  are  Catholic  Socialists  in 
Germany  led  by  Bishops  of  the  Church.  There  are  Christian 
Socialists  in  England  who  go  far  beyond  Kingsley  and  his 
colleagues.  Whatever  truth  there  is  in  Socialism,  and  there 
is  truth  in  it,  despite  its  fatal  errors,  is  a  Christian,  not  an 
atheistic  truth.  Let  us  be  fair.  Let  us  discriminate.  Social- 
ism is  here.  It  claims  a  hearing.  It  shall  have  a  hearing. 
Christianity  has  much  to  do  with  these  questions.  It  is  not  to 
atheism,  nor  to  materialism,  that  the  masses  of  humanity  are 
to  look  for  their  personal  enfranchisement  and  their  social 
regeneration.  Only  as  men  face  these  questions  squarely,  dis- 
cuss them  honestly,  listen  to  the  statement  of  grievances  by 
those  who  feel  them,  and  in  the  spirit  of  mutual  confidence 
and  fraternity  live  out  and  act  out  some  wise  and  Christian 
conclusion,  can  we  hope  to  exorcise  that  anarchic  demon  who 
now  bodes  such  evil  to  our  social  order. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  SOCIALIST'S  INDICTMENT  AGAINST  MODERN  SOCIETY. 

"  The  misery,  the  oppression,  the  slavery,  the  degradation  of  the  working 
class,  grow  in  proportion  to  the  diminution  in  number  of  those  capitalist 
lords,  who  usurp  and  monopolize  all  the  advantages  of  this  period  of  social 
evolution." — Karl  Jkfarx. 

IT  is  the  Socialist  who  speaks.  I  lend  myself  to  be  his  au- 
tomaton. The  mind  that  now  thinks  is  not  mine,  but  the  So- 
cialist's. In  the  trial  of  this  great  cause,  Socialism  vs.  Modern 
Society,  my  present  aim  is  to  get  the  indictment  clearly  before 
you.  This  can  be  best  done  if  I  content  myself  with  simply 
acting  the  part  of  prosecuting  attorney,  refusing  to  be  either 
judge,  jury  or  counsel  for  the  defendant,  or  even  judge-advo- 
cate to  see  that  both  plaintiff  and  defendant  have  fair  play. 
I  am  now  for  the  plaintiff  alone.  As  upon  the  Delphic  priest- 
ess of  old  there  came  the  possessing  inspiration  that  trans- 
formed her  into  something  other  than  herself,  so  upon  your 
writer  there  shall  come  the  controlling  frenzy  of  even  the 
wildest  Socialistic  raving. 

You  will  have  to  listen  to  a  very  Babel  of  voices.  There  are 
Socialists  and  Socialists.  There  is  not  full  unity  of  sentiment. 
You  must  hear  all  types  of  the  true  Socialist.  You  must  also 
bear  in  mind  the  fact  that  this  Babel  of  discordant  voices  con- 
tains echoes  of  cries  of  complaint  that  come  from  multitudes 
who  are  not  Socialists  at  all.  There  are  thousands  of  men  who 
have  no  possible  sympathy  with  the  Socialist's  aim  or  meth- 
ods, who  believe  in  the  substantial  truthfulness  of  his  indict- 
ment against  society,  and  who  make  that  indictment  their 
own. 

Lend,  then,  the  Socialist  your  ears.  He  must  give  you  a 
few  definitions  before  he  can  utter  intelligible  speech.  For  he 


32  STUDIES  IN   MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

uses  some  common  words  with  entirely  new  meanings.  Lis- 
ten !  "  Modern  '  civilized  '  society  is  divided  into  three  classes, 
as  follows  :  The  aristocracy,  consisting  of  all  people  in  Europe 
who  come  of  'gentle  blood,'  and  those  in  America  who  live 
upon  inherited  wealth — the  Drones  ;  the  Bourgeoisie— con- 
sisting of  all  those  who  derive  their  living  from  rent,  profit  or 
interest ;  those,  in  short,  who  are  not  wage-workers,  together 
with  their  hangers-on  and  allies — the  robbers  ;  the  Proletariat, 
the  working-people  of  the  world,  those  who  really  do  the 
work,  and  who  receive  in  return  a  part  of  its  worth  called 
'wages ' — the  Plundered  slaves." — "  Capital  is  the  surplus  re- 
maining of  the  earnings  of  labor  after  all  its  needs  have  been 
supplied.  Capitalized  profits,  familiarly  and  wrongfully 
known  in  the  commercial  world  as  'capital,'  is  either  the  un- 
paid wages  of  the  producer,  or  a  forced  tax  upon  the  necessi- 
ties of  the  consumer.  Property  (honestly  acquired,  stored  up 
labor)  is  sacred.  Profit  (capitalized  profits,  miscalled  prop- 
erty) is  the  solidified  fruit  of  wholesale  brigandage,  in  brief, 
theft.  Rent  is  robbery.  Interest  is  an  immoral  and  unjust 
tax  extorted  by  a  master  from  the  necessities  of  a  slave."*  One 
can  not  but  express  the  wish  that  our  lexicographer  had  drawn 
more  sharply  the  lines  of  distinction  between  his  three  social 
classes.  For  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  Aristocrat,  living  on 
an  inherited  fortune,  can  fail  to  descend  to  the  burgher  class 
and  take  the  rent  or  interest  on  which  to  live.  It  is  also  diffi- 
cult to  see  how  the  laborer,  if  he  has  a  few  dollars  in  the  sav- 
ings-bank, can  fail,  when  he  draws  his  interest,  to  count  him- 
self as  not  altogether  a  wage-receiver. 

When,  as  the  ancients  fabled,  Prometheus  stole  fire  from 
heaven  and  made  it  the  common  property  of  men,  Jupiter,  in 
vengeance  for  the  theft,  sent  Pandora  to  earth.  Venus  gave 
her  beauty,  Mercury  cunning,  and  all  the  gods  bestowed  each 
some  fateful  gift  for  the  punishment  of  mankind.  Pandora 
came  to  earth,  bringing  a  box  full  of  blessings.  But  Pandora's 
curiosity  prompting  her  to  open  the  box,  out  flew  a  swarm  of 
curses  to  prey  upon  the  hearts  and  lives  of  men.  So,  says  our 

*  "Socialism,"  by  A.  J.  Starkweather  and  S.  Kobert  Wilson.  Introduc- 
tion by  Burnett  G.  Ilaskell.  New  York :  John  W.  Lovcll  Company.  (Lovcll 
Library,  No.  461.)  Pp.  5  and  7. 


DISAPPOINTED  EXPECTATIONS.  33 

Socialist,  James  Watt  with  his  steam-engine  brought  the 
blessed  Promethean  fire.  But  the  capitalist  gods  of  the  Olym- 
pus, fearing  for  their  sovereignty,  have  sent  a  Pandora,  who, 
with  her  box  of  countless  mischiefs,  oppressions,  fleecings, 
has  changed  the  forces  of  all  multiplied  industries  into 
curses,  and  that  which  should  have  enfranchised  only  en- 
slaves. What  visions  of  hope  for  humanity  must  have  filled 
the  minds  of  the  great  inventors,  Watt  and  Arkwright,  Whit- 
ney and  Howe,  Hoe  and  Bessemer  ! — visions,  such  as  George  de- 
scribes :  "Youth  no  longer  stunted  and  starved  ;  age  no  longer 
harried  by  avarice  ;  the  child  at  play  with  the  tiger  ;  the  man 
with  the  muck-rake  drinking  in  the  glory  of  the  stars ;  foul 
things  fled,  fierce  things  tame,  discord  turned  to  harmony  ;  for 
how  could  there  be  greed  where  all  had  enough  ?  How  could 
the  vice,  the  crime,  the  ignorance,  the  brutality,  that  spring 
from  poverty,  and  the  fear  of  poverty,  exist  where  poverty 
had  vanished  ?  Who  should  crouch  where  all  were  freemen  ; 
who  oppress  where  all  were  peers  ? "  But,  alas  !  these  bright 
visions  have  not  been  realized.  There  are  hard  times,  depres- 
sions, poverties  everywhere.  From  childhood  to  old  age  the 
multitude  toil,  without  ambition,  without  recompense,  without 
hope.  In  the  "brave  days  of  old,"  master  and  men  were 
brothers.  Each  man  might  aspire  to  be  a  master.  He  owned 
his  tools.  He  had  a  little  capital.  In  many  cases  his  home 
was  his  workshop.  But  now,  for  the  most  part,  capital  owns 
the  tools.  Invention  has  multiplied  the  power  of  production 
a  thousand-fold.  But  has  it  multiplied  the  laborer's  comfort  ? 
Rather  it  has  diminished  it.  It  has  supplanted  him  by  a  ma- 
chine. It  has  concentrated  industries  into  vast  corporations. 
It  has  changed  the  worker  from  a  thinker,  a  doer,  into  a  mere 
machine-tender.  The  sewing-machine,  which  promised  such 
blessings  to  the  needle-woman,  has  left  her  more  overworked, 
more  underpaid  and  with  health  more  endangered  than  be- 
fore. The  old  inarticulate  moan  which  the  hand  of  genius 
has  fixed  in  woful  words  and  set  to  melancholy  music  is  still 
the  only  language  of  hopeless  thousands  : 

"  Work,  work,  work, 

From  weary  chime  to  chime  ! 
Work,  work,  work, 

As  prisoners  work  for  crime  ! 


34  STUDIES  IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

Band  and  gusset  and  seam, 

Seam  and  gusset  and  band, 
Till  the  heart  is  sick  and  the  brain  benumbed 

As  well  as  the  weary  hand."  * 

Families  are  broken  up — home-life  is  impossible,  and 
women  and  children  take  the  places  and  do  the-  work  of  men, 
at  constantly  reduced  wages.  More  and  more  capital  is  con- 
centrating-. Monopolies  are  growing  huge  and  overbearing. 
A  few  men  own  the  telegraph.  A  few  men  control  the  rail- 
roads. They  pool  earnings  or  divide  stealings.  They  com- 
bine with  other  industries,  mine-owners,  oil-producers,  manu- 
facturers, to  rob  the  consumer  and  divide  the  spoils.  They 
corrupt  judges,  bribe  juries,  buy  Senates,  carry  Governors 
in  their  pockets,  and  in  stock  boards  and  produce  exchanges 
stake  on  the  throw  of  the  dice-box  the  blood  and  brains,  the 
very  virtues,  homes  and  hopes  of  millions. 

A  workingman,  Mr.  J.  Willett,  of  Glenn,  Michigan,  in  a 
letter  to  the  "Christian  Union,"  of  October  29,  1885,  writes  : 
"  The  Government  rings,  the  bank  rings,  the  Board  of  Trade 
rings,  the  railroad  rings,  the  whisky  rings,  the  manufactur- 
ing rings,  the  mercantile  rings,  the  professional  rings,  the 
mine-owners'  rings,  the  religious  rings,  and  the  political  rings 
live  on  the  workingman,  all  and  each  of  them  ;  and  all  and 
each  return,  in  many  cases,  but  little  as  an  equivalent  for  what 
they  receive." 

Our  Socialist  will  bid  you  listen  to  the  exceedingly  bitter 
cry  of  outcast  London.  He  will  point  you  to  the  late  appall- 
ing revelations  of  the  "  Pall  Mall  Gazette."  He  will  take  you 
to  certain  quarters  in  London,  or  Edinburgh,  or  Manchester, 
or  Berlin  ;  ay,  even  in  New  York  and  Chicago.  He  will  put 
you  under  the  guidance  of  one  like  Sandy  Mackaye.  You 
shall  hear  Sandy  say  in  his  Scotch  brogue  :  "Look  !  There's 
not  a  soul  down  that  yard  but's  either  beggar,  drunkard,  thief, 
or  worse.  Write  anent  that.  Say  how  ye  saw  the  mouth  of 
hell,  and  the  twa'  pillars  thereof  at  the  entry  ;  the  pawn- 
broker's shop  on  one  side,  and  the  gin-palace  at  the  other — 
'twa  monstrous  deevils,  eating  up  men,  and  women,  and 

*  "  The  Song  of  the  Shirt,"  by  Thomas  Hood. 


FRUIT  FROM  THE   TREE   OF   CAPITALISM.  35 

bairns,  body  and  soul.  .  .  .  Look  at  thae  barefooted,  bare- 
backed hizzies,  wi'  their  arms  around  the  men's  necks,  and 
their  mouths  full  of  vitriol  and  beastly  words.  Look  at  that 
Irishwoman  pouring  the  gin  down  the  babbie's  throat  !  Look 
at  that  raff  o'  a  boy  gaun  out  o'  the  pawnshop,  where  he's  been 
pledging  the  handkerchief  he  stole  the  morning,  into  the  gin- 
shops  to  buy  beer  poisoned  wi'  grains  o'  paradise,  and  cocculus 
indicus  and  saut,  and  a'  damnable,  maddening,  thirst-breed- 
ing, lust-breeding  drugs  !  Look  at  that  girl  that  went  in  wi' 
a  shawl  to  her  back,  and  cam'  out  wi'out  ane.  Drunkards 
frae  the  breist  !  harlots  frae  the  cradle  !  Damned  before 
they're  born  !  "  *  And  if  you  ask  our  Socialist  what  tree  bears 
this  bitter,  poisonous,  humanity-destroying  fruit,  he  will  an- 
swer the  tree  of  capitalism,  the  tree  of  private  enterprise,  the 
tree  of  competition,  the  tree  of  "  Laissez  faire,"  the  tree  whose 
vital  sap  is  "  fleecings,"  stolen,  sucked  up  bodily  from  the  soil 
of  the  earnings  of  the  wage-workers. 

Our  Socialist  tells  us  that  the  wage-working  classes  are 
slaves  to  the  employer,  as  really  slaves  as  were  the  Southern 
blacks  before  the  war,  and  worse  off  than  these.  For  Cuffee 
had  his  cabin,  his  clothes,  his  food,  care  in  sickness,  support 
in  old  age.  His  disablement  or  death  was  money  out  of  his 
master's  pocket,  while  Tom,  Dick  and  Harry  rent  their  own 
houses,  buy  their  own  food,  pay  their  own  physicians,  work 
for  little,  accumulate  nothing,  die  in  the  poor-house.  And 
their  disablement  or  death  means  to  their  masters  only  an 
opportunity  to  employ  cheaper  labor.  Even  the  feudal  system 
was  better  than  the  modern  one.  The  retainers  of  the  feudal 
lord  were  his  friends  and  kinsmen.  Eights  meant  duties. 
Property  involved  service.  In  England  fifty  years  ago,  Cole- 
ridge could  write  :  "  The  voice  of  the  trumpet  is  not  indeed 
heard  in  the  land.  But  no  less  intelligibly  is  it  declared  by 
the  spirit  and  history  of  our  laws  that  the  possession  of  a  prop 
erty  not  connected  witli  special  duties,  a  property  not  fiduciary 
or  official,  but  arbitrary  and  unconditional,  was  in  the  sight 
of  our  forefathers  the  brand  of  a  Jew  and  an  alien,  not  the 
distinction  nor  the  right,  nor  the  honor  of  an  English  baron 

*  "  Alton  Locke."    Rev.  Charles  Kingsley.    London  :  Macmillan  &  Co., 
1874,  p.  69. 


36  STUDIES  IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

or  gentleman."  *  But  to-day  the  right  of  property  is  the  right 
to  accumulate,  to  combine  for  accumulation,  to  enact  laws 
that  further  accumulation  ;  to  supplant  labor  by  machines  ;  to 
enervate,  and  narrow,  and  cripple  labor,  and  by  competition 
to  cheapen  it  ;  to  keep  labor  idle,  mines  closed,  workshops 
shut,  that  production  may  be  decreased  for  an  advance  of 
prices  and  an  increase  of  profits.  Free  contract  between  em- 
ployed and  employer  is  a  delusion.  The  freedom  is  all  on  one 
side.  It  is  the  freedom  to  buy  in  the  cheapest  market  without 
a  corresponding  right  to  sell  in  the  dearest  market.  The  sup- 
ply of  labor  is  more  than  the  demand.  Capital  is  hoarded  or 
wasted  while  laborers  are  starving.  The  slave  driven  by  hun- 
ger and  by  the  cries  of  his  children,  will  sell  his  labor  for 
what  his  master  will  consent  to  give  him.  Widows  unable  to 
earn  enough  to  keep  the  wolf  from  the  pinched  frames  of  their 
children,  will  offer  their  own  bodies  to  procurers  for  vice,  or 
to  purveyors  for  the  medical  student's  dissecting-room,  and 
then  go  out  to  a  harlot's  life  or  a  suicide's  death,  that  their 
children  may  get  bread.  And  Capital,  the  tyrant,  grows  fat 
on  the  leanness  his  tyranny  makes.  Modern  industrial  con- 
ditions are  reducing  the  wage-workers  to  a  more  permanent 
and  more  increasingly  numerous  class,  a  class  out  of  which  no 
native  brain-force,  no  skill,  no  industry,  no  thrift  will  enable 
a  man  to  rise.  "  Every  millionaire  is  a  criminal."  "  Eveiy 
man  who  loans  his  neighbor  $100,  and  exacts  $106  in  return, 
is  a  criminal."  Capital — accumulated  fleecings,  accumulated 
withheld  wages — and  labor,  the  source  of  all  wealth — Capital 
and  Labor  Siamese  twins  !  "Are  Capital  and  Labor  Siamese 
twins  ?  Why  ?  Because  they  are  in  contact  with  each 
other  ?  So  is  the  horseleech  and  his  victim." 

Our  Socialist  is  not  content  with  generalities  of  statement. 
He  deals  with  facts  and  figures.  He  studies  the  census  tables 
and  the  reports  of  bureaus  of  statistics.  He  draws,  as  does 
Mr.  Laurence  Gronlund,t  a  series  of  parallelograms.  He  calls 

*  Quoted  from  "Social  Questions."  By  Eev.  J.  Llewelyn  Davis.  Lon- 
don :  Macmillan  &  Co.,  1885,  p.  211. 

t  "  The  Co-operative  Commonwealth  in  its  Outlines.  An  Exposition  of 
Modern  Socialism."  By  Laurence  Gronlund.  Boston :  Lee  &  Shepard,  1884, 
pp.  23,  24.  The  above  quotations  are  also  from  this  work. 


ALLIES  OF  "THE  ROBBER  CLASS."  37 

these  "  cakes."  From  the  top  to  the  bottom  of  his  parallelo- 
gram he  draws  a  line.  One  side  of  the  line  is  the  wage-work- 
er's share  of  the  cake,  the  whole  of  which,  according  to  the 
Socialist,  the  laborer  has  produced.  The  other  side  of  the  line 
is  the  share  of  the  capitalist.  The  capitalist  share  is  labeled 
"fleecings."  It  is  divided  into  three  parts.  Two  parts,  equal 
to  each  other,  are  called  interest  and  rent.  The  third  part,  as 
large  as  the  other  two  combined,  is  called  profits.  Profits, 
interest,  rent,  are  fleecings.  Five  parallelograms  represent 
the  five  census  returns  of  the  industrial  product  of  the  country 
for  the  years,  respectively,  of  1850-'60-'70-'80.  Each  successive 
parallelogram  increases  in  size.  In  each  one,  the  side  which 
represents  fleecings  is  larger  than  in  the  one  preceding,  while 
the  wage-worker's  return  is  correspondingly  smaller.  The 
robbers  are  waxing  fat  on  their  stolen  dainty.  The  worker  is 
getting  thinner. 

Our  Socialist  looks  about  him  for  the  allies  and  hangers-on 
of  the  robber  class.  He  sees  a  press,  the  organ  of  monopoly, 
silent  on  all  questions  of  socialism  and  radical  reform,  a  retro- 
gressive, impracticable  agency,  pulling  down,  never  building 
up,  "  a  cut-purse  and  a  cut-throat."  He  sees  the  pulpit,  claim- 
ing to  be  teacher,  leader,  and  censor  of  morals,  the  spiiitual 
counselor  and  guide  of  men,  a  worthless  thing  standing  in  the 
path  of  progress,  absolutely  injurious,  opposing  all  reforms  it 
does  not  invent  or  engineer,  always  on  the  side  of  capital,  since 
it  is  its  creature  and  does  its  work,  "taking  up  the  falsehoods 
of  the  press  and  reiterating  them,  adding  its  own  peculiar 
venom,  the  condemnation  of  men  and  the  judgment  of  God."* 
I  quote  again  from  Mr.  Willett's  letter  to  the  "Christian 
Union  "  :  "The  great  curse  of  the  world  has  always  been  the 
moral  degradation  and  depravity  of  the  ruling  classes,  and  the 
flippancy  with  which  the  priesthood  will  gloss  over  their 
crimes  or  pass  them  by.  They  can  denounce  the  sins  and 
shortcomings  of  the  workingmen,  but  are  easy  on  the  sins  of 
those  in  high  social  position.  We  have  never  expected  ;my 
help  from  the  priesthood  class  ;  as  a  class  their  feelings  of 
self-interest  are  all  in  favor  of  the  aristocracy,  and  special 
privileges  and  '  subordination.' " 

*  Quoted  or  paraphrased  from  "  Socialism."    By  Starkweather  and  Wilson. 


38  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

Our  Socialist  sees  in  the  legal  fraternity  the  most  vicious 
and  dangerous  members  of  society  ;  men  whose  trade  is  to  lie, 
cheat,  steal,  and  to  condone  and  defend  all  crime  and  crimi- 
nals ;  men  who  by  instinct  and  training  are  the  friends  and 
defenders  of  all  tyrannies  and  the  natural  enemy  of  labor. 
He  sees  a  military  class,  army  men,  militiamen,  policemen, 
sheriffs,  jailers,  hangmen,  those  whose  trade  is  murder  foul 
and  cold-blooded,  who  are  loafers,  bummers,  and  dead-beats, 
whose  business  is  brutalizing,  degrading,  and  heinous,  who 
follow  the  trade  to  which  their  instincts  prompt  them,  but 
who  under  a  better  social  system  might  be  utilized  as  butchers 
or  scavengers,  or  for  other  necessary  and  useful  labor.*  All 
these,  together  with  the  hereditary  wealth-owners,  the  active 
capitalists,  the  loan-mongers,  the  farmers,  the  mine  exploiters, 
the  contractors,  the  middlemen,  the  factory  lords,  our  Social- 
ist regards  as  '  '  the  modern  slave-drivers  ;  they  who,  through 
their  money,  machinery,  capital  and  credit,  turn  every  ad- 
vance in  human  knowledge,  every  improvement  in  human 
dexterity,  into  an  engine  for  accumulating  wealth  out  of  other 
men's  wages,  and  for  exacting  more  and  yet  more  surplus 
value  out  of  the  wage-slaves  whom  they  employ."  f  "Work- 
ing for  wages,"  says  our  Socialist  to  the  wage-receiver,  "work- 
ing for  wages,  you  are  not  a  freeman,  but  a  slave,  and  a  slave 
whom  your  employer  despises,  and  will  get  along  without 
whenever  he  can." 

Looking  at  society  in  its  largest  aspects,  we  ask  our  Social- 
ist what  ought  modern  society  to  be  like.  He  answers  :  "It 
ought  to  be  like  a  company  of  gentlemen  and  ladies  at  a  din- 
ner-table, where  each,  knowing  that  there  is  enough  for  all, 
strives  to  have  his  fellow  served  bountifully."  We  ask  what 
modern  society  is  like.  He  answers  :  "  It  is  like  a  pen  full  of 
hogs  into  which  a  pail  of  swill  has  been  thrown,  where  each, 
fearing  that  he  will  not  get  enough,  grunts  and  pushes  and 
roots,  and  with  much  struggling  and  biting,  strives  to  get  all 
he  can  for  himself,  not  caring  that  his  neighbor  goes  hun- 


*  "  Socialism."    By  Starkweather  and  Wilson. 

t  II.  M.  Hyndman.     Quoted  in  Laveleye's  "  Socialism  of  To-Day,"  p.  317. 

I  Ibid. 


ORIGIN  OF  CAPITALISM.  39 

Our  Socialist  is  not  only  a  lexicographer,  a  statistician,  an 
agitator  ;  he  is  an  economist  as  well.  First  and  foremost,  he 
is  an  economist.  Adam  Smith  had  said,  "Labor  is  the  foun- 
dation of  all  value."  He  had  said  further,  "  The  produce  of 
labor  constitutes  the  natural  recompense  or  wages  of  labor." 
Without  regarding  any  of  the  explanations  and  qualifications 
of  the  statements,  even  those  which  Smith  himself  made,  our 
Socialist  takes  the  statements  as  they  stand.  He  proceeds  to 
argue  :  Adam  Smith,  Bicardo,  Mill,  all  the  economists,  declare 
that  labor  is  the  source  of  all  wealth.  "All  wealth  is  due  to 
labor;  therefore,  to  the  laborer  all  wealth  is  due."*  How, 
now,  does  capital  come  ?  Capital  is  labor,  or  the  results  of 
labor,  stored  up  for  future  production.  In  primitive  society 
laborer  and  capitalist  are  the  same  man.  But  as  society  ad- 
vances laborer  and  capitalist  become  two  men.  The  capitalist 
presents  himself  in  the  market  of  commodities  with  stored-up 
labor,  or  that  which  represents  it — money.  He  buys  machines, 
tools,  raw  materials.  In  order  to  work  up  these  into  product 
he  also  buys  the  workman's  "labor  force,"  the  sole  source  of 
all  value.  The  money  temporarily  transformed  into  wages 
and  merchandise  reappears,  after  the  sale  of  the  product,  more 
or  less  increased  in  amount.  Capital  is  born.  What  is  the 
value  of  the  workman's  "labor  force"  ?  It  is  what  it  costs  to 
produce  it.  The  cost  of  the  production  of  "labor  force  "is 
whatever  is  necessary  to  support  the  life  and  strength,  up  to 
best  working  quality,  of  the  laborer  and  the  children  who  will 
succeed  him.  The  value  of  labor  is  the  equivalent  of  the 
hours  of  labor  socially  necessary  to  produce  the  maintenance 
of  the  laborer.  How  now,  asks  our  Socialist,  does  it  happen 
that  capital  gets  its  hands  full,  while  labor  goes  with  hands 
empty  ?  We  let  Karl  Marx  answer  :  "To  produce  the  com- 
modities necessary  for  the  laborer  and  his  family,  a  whole 
day's  work  Is  not  needed  ;  five  or  six  hours  would  suffice.  If, 
then,  the  laborer  worked  for  himself,  he  could  obtain  all  he 
needed  in  half  a  day,  and  the  rest  of  his  time  he  might  devote 
to  leisure  or  to  procuring  superfluities.  The  slave  of  antiquity, 
the  serf  of  the  middle  ages,  when  gaining  his  freedom  in  the 
existing  social  order,  did  not  at  the  same  time  acquire  prop- 

*  II.  M.  Hyndman.    See  p.  76,  note  t. 


40  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

erty.  He  is,  therefore,  obliged  to  place  himself  in  the  service 
of  those  who  possess  the  land  and  the  instruments  of  produc- 
tion. These  naturally  require  him  to  work  for  them  the  whole 
day  of  twelve  hours  or  more.  In  six  hours  the  laborer  pro- 
duces the  equivalent  of  his  subsistence  ;  during  the  remaining 
six  hours  he  produces  surplus  value  to  the  profit  of  his  employer. 
From  this  surplus,  pocketed  by  the  employer,  capital  comes 
into  being."  *  The  matter  of  the  laborer's  subsistence  plays  an 
important  part  in  socialistic  logic.  Ricardo,  an  English  econ- 
omist, had  defined  the  cost  of  wages  as  having  a  necessary 
relation  to  the  cost  of  the  subsistence  of  the  producer.  Las- 
salle  called  Ricardo's  law  the  "iron  law  of  wages,"  the  huge 
hand  that  crushed  the  laborer  to  the  dust.  According  to  Las- 
salle,  the  law  works  on  this  wise  :  The  minimum  of  subsist- 
ence necessary  for  the  existence  and  reproduction  of  the  work- 
ing classes  is  the  line  toward  which  wages  always  tend.  They 
can  never  fall  much  below  that  line,  for  then  the  supply  of 
labor  would,  by  death  and  other  causes,  be  reduced  and  wages 
would  rise.  They  can  never  go  much  above  that  line,  for  in- 
crease of  comforts  would  mean  early  marriage,  many  children, 
an  increase  of  laborers  and  a  consequent  diminution  of  wages. 
The  competition  of  the  laborers  among  themselves  lowers  the 
price  of  labor.  In  every  kind  of  labor  it  must  therefore  result 
that  the  wages  of  the  laborer  are  limited  to  the  exact  amount 
necessary  to  keep  him  alive.  Hence  thrift  is  impossible  to 
him,  savings  impossible,  accumulations  impossible.  The  iron 
law  works  to  the  increasing  advantage  of  the  masters,  and  the 
doomed  slave  is  held  in  a  bondage  from  which  he  can  never, 
except  by  a  total  change  in  economic  conditions,  hope  to  es- 
cape, t 

Our  economic  Socialist  lays  great  stress  on  the  land  ques- 
tion and  the  law  of  rent.  He  says  the  land  belongs  to  the  peo- 
ple, and  ought  to  be  used  by  the  people.  But  look  at  England, 
where,  by  a  system  of  robberies,  spoliations  and  confiscations 
that  have  been  going  on  for  centuries,  thirty  thousand  people 
own  all  the  land  occupied  by  thirty  million  people  !  Look  at 

*  Laveleye's  "Socialism  of  To-Day,"  pp.  28-30. 

t  Laveleye's  "Socialism  of  To-Day,"  pp.  54^56;  Eae's  "Contemporary 
Socialism,"  p.  96 ;  Ely's  "  French  and  German  Socialism,"  p.  191. 


LAND-GRABBING.  41 

the  United  States,  where  vast  land  areas  have  been  given  away 
to  railroad  corporations — areas  ' '  nearly  equal  to  the  great  States 
of  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan,  Wisconsin, 
Iowa,  and  Missouri,  and  three  times  the  total  area  of  England, 
Ireland,  Scotland,  and  Wales  " ;  *  and  where  the  best  estate  is 
taken  without  leave  or  license,  until  foreign  and  domestic  lords 
of  the  soil  have  fenced  in  millions  of  acres,  defending  them  by 
law  and  by  force  against  all  comers.  Look  at  the  law  of  rent 
— the  law  which  no  economist  disputes,  that  "  the  rent  of  land 
is  determined  by  the  excess  of  its  produce  over  that  which  the 
same  application  can  secure  from  the  least  productive  soil  in 
use."  Look  at  this  rent- taker,  this  freebooter  of  the  middle 
ages  come  back  again  ;  this  sponge,  this  parasite  !  See  with 
what  increasing  impudence  he  levies  his  increasing  exactions 
upon  all  production,  getting  the  lion's  share  from  the  capi- 
talist and  the  more  than  lion's  share  from  the  wage-worker, 
and  reducing  the  toiler  to  the  minimum  crust. 

From  these  economic  premises  our  Socialist  turns  to  con- 
sider the  inevitable  result  in  existing  economic  fact,  ' '  The  rich 
are  becoming  richer  and  fewer,  the  poor  poorer  and  more  nu- 
merous." With  industrial  progress,  increasing  poverty  goes 
hand  in  hand.  The  gulf  between  social  classes  is  widening. 
On  the  one  side,  the  upper  side,  is  a  class  which  works  not  at  all 
with  its  hands,  and  enjoys  luxury  in  excess  of  what  is  reason- 
able. On  the  other  side,  the  lower  side,  is  a  class  working  far 
too  hard  for  health,  and  living  in  miserable  social  conditions. 
The  gradations  between  these  two  are  being  gradually  crushed 
out.  Enormous  wealth,  increasing  wealth,  with  fewer  and 
fewer  to  enjoy  it  ;  enormous  misery,  increasing  misery,  with 
more  and  more  to  suffer  it  !  Society  is  compared  to  a  ladder, 

*  "  Land  and  Labor  in  the  United  States."  By  William  Godwin  Moody. 
New  York :  Charles  Scribncr's  Sons,  1883. 

Art.,  "Danger  Ahead."  Lyman  Abbott.  "Century  Hag.,"  November, 
1885,  p.  56. 

Art.,  "  Landlordism  in  America."  Thomas  P.  Gill,  M.  P.  "  N.  A.  Kev.," 
vol.  142,  pp.  52-67. 

Art.,  "  America's  Land  Question."  A.  J.  Desmond.  "  N.  A.  Rev.,"  vol. 
142,  pp.  153-158. 

Twenty-nine  alien  and  absentee  landlords  own  20,647,000  acres  of  land  in 
the  United  States ;  or  a  territory  as  large  as  Ireland. 


42  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

with  a  round  at  the  top,  and  a  round  at  the  bottom,  the  top 
narrowing,  the  bottom  widening  and  all  the  middle  rounds 
falling  out.* 

How  long  can  this  last  ?  asks  our  Socialist !  Not  long  ! 
not  long  !  These  awful,  and  under  the  present  system,  inevita- 
ble laws,  that  grind  the  poor  and  multiply  them  as  they  grind, 
grinding  down  into  poverty  all  middle  classes,  small  farmers, 
tradesmen,  manufacturers,  these  laws  that  keep  wages  low,  and 
rent  advancing,  these  shall  kindle  the  revolutionary  fires  in  the 
heart  of  the  masses.  These  shall  be  more  clearly  understood, 
until  the  slaves  shall  know  their  slavery  and  its  causes.  They 
shall  know  that  "while  the  master  sought  the  chattel-slave, 
the  wages-slave  seeks  his  master,  "that  "while  the  chattel-slave 
gave  work  for  his  food,  the  wages-slave  can  not  get  food  for 
his  work."  Down  with  the  system  of  wage-slavery  !  Down 
with  competition,  private  enterprise,  laissez  faire,  the  ty- 
ranny of  capitalism  !  Why  should  the  many  toil  in  want, 
that  the  few  may  live  in  idleness  and  luxury  ?  Not  long  ! 
Not  long  !  The  law  of  social  evolution  is  working  in  the  right 
direction.  Capital  is  concentrating  itself  in  few  hands.  Pov- 
erty is  diffusing  itself  among  a  multitude.  Scant  families  in 
the  palace  !  Children  swarming  in  the  hovel  !  Fewer  rich 
and  richer  !  More  poor  and  poorer  !  The  many  will  not  al- 
ways be  the  slaves  of  the  few.  The  legislation,  the  govern- 
mental administration,  the  social  conservatism,  largely  always 
in  the  interest  of  wealth,  will  not  stay  the  revolution,  when- 
ever the  lengthening  lower  round  of  the  social  ladder  refuses 
to  bear  up  the  intolerable  burden  of  the  shortening  upper 
round.  Anarchy  ?  Your  present  system  is  anarchy.  Your 
social  order  ?  Rather  your  social  disorder  !  "A  system  cha- 
otic, organically  and  hopelessly  unjust !  A  system  where 
the  laborer's  back  is  the  green  table  whereon  the  whole  game 
of  modern  industry  is  played,  and  on  which  in  shameful  welts 
and  sores  all  the  losses  are  scored  ! "  t  Down  with  this  bastard 
Social  order ! 

Tli  is  is  the  Socialist's  indictment  against  modern  society. 
He  has  spoken  with  his  own  words  often,  always  with  his 

*  Gronlund,  "  Co-operative  Commonwealth,"  p.  41. 
t  Kae's  "  Contemp.  Social.,"  p.  93. 


AN  INDICTMENT  WITII  SOMETHING  IN  IT.  43 

own  thought.  It  is  a  terrible  indictment !  It  makes  the  very 
flesh  creep  and  the  heart  for  the  moment  stop  its  pulsations. 
Certainly  it  is  an  indictment  which  must  set  us  all  to  think- 
ing. What  do  I  think  of  this  indictment  ?  What  do  you 
think  of  it  ?  If  the  motion  were  made  here  to  quash  this  in- 
dictment on  the  ground  that  it  involves  no  cause  for  action,  I 
would  oppose  the  motion.  If  the  supreme  and  irresponsible 
power  were  committed  to  me,  which  is  too  often  unwisely 
committed  to  public  prosecutors,  I  would  refuse  here  and  now 
to  enter  a  nolle  prosequi  in  this  case  of  Socialism  vs.  Mod- 
ern Society.  I  believe  that  this  indictment  is  on  the  whole 
unjust ;  with  fatal  fallacies  of  argument  and  gross  exaggera- 
tion of  fact.  I  dissent  from  the  statement  of  economic  prin- 
ciples and  economic  conditions  on  which  this  indictment  bases 
its  appeal  for  revolt  and  its  hope  of  successful  revolution. 
Yet,  I  am  convinced  that  there  is  too  much  in  the  indictment 
that  is  soberly,  sadly,  terribly  true,  to  warrant  our  dismiss- 
ing it  with  a  sneer  or  burying  it  under  a  denunciation. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

WHAT  THE  SOCIALIST  DEMANDS. 

"  Labor  and  distribution  should  be  collectively  organized :  every  one  should 
receive  for  a  fixed  amount  of  labor  a  fixed  amount  of  capital,  which  would  con- 
stitute his  property  according  to  right.  Property  will  thus  be  made  univer- 
sal. No  person  should  enjoy  superfluities,  as  long  as  anybody  lacks  necessa- 
ries ;  for  the  right  of  property  in  objects  of  luxury  can  have  no  foundation  until 
each  citizen  has  his  share  in  the  necessaries  of  life." — Johann  Gottlieb  Fickle. 

AGAIN  the  Socialist  speaks.  Again  I  lend  him  brain  and 
voice.  Again  I  serve  as  his  automaton,  or,  if  you  prefer,  as 
his  amanuensis.  He  has  invaded  the  quiet  of  my  study.  He 
paces  the  floor  with  restless  air.  He  pours  out,  in  my  hearing, 
a  torrent  of  nervous,  incisive,  revolutionary  words.  I  sit  at 
the  table  to  catch  and  to  report,  as  best  I  can,  his  rapid,  ex- 
cited and  often  confused  speech. 

Our  Socialist  speaks,  not  now  as  lexicographer,  statistician, 
economist,  but  as  a  physician,  a  medicine-man.  One  type  of 
this  medicine-man  is  more  a  surgeon  than  a  doctor.  And  his 
surgery  is  not  of  any  rose-water  sort,  but  of  a  very  rough,  radi- 
cal and  bloody  sort.  The  tools  of  his  trade  are  not  lancets  and 
saws  that  one  may  carry  in  a  velvet-Ikied  case.  He  has  only 
one  tool,  a  butcher's  cleaver.  His  remedy  is  a  very  sun- 
pie  one,  "  Off  with  the  patient's  head  !  "  If  you  ask  how  the 
body  can  survive  after  such  heroic  surgery,  he  will  tell  you 
that  future  society,  cured  society,  is  to  have  no  specific  head  at 
all,  but  to  be  all  head  as  it  is  to  be  all  hands. 

This  Socialist  is  an  Anarchist.  As  far  as  any  organization 
represents  him  the  International  Working  People's  Associa- 
tion represents  him.  You  ask  what  this  Anarchist  demands. 
Listen  !  I  quote  from  the  ';  Pittsburg  Proclamation,"  adopted 


WHAT  THE  ANARCHIST  DEMANDS.  45 

by  the  Pittsburg  Congress  of  Internationalists.  "What  we 
would  achieve  is,  therefore,  plainly  and  simply  :  First — De- 
struction of  the  existing  class  rule,  by  all  means,  i.  e.,  by  ener- 
getic, relentless  revolutionary  and  international  action.  Sec- 
ond— Establishment  of  a  free  society,  based  upon  co-operative 
organization  of  production.  Third — Free  exchange  of  equiva- 
lent products  by  and  between  productive  organizations,  with- 
out commerce  and  without  profit-mongery.  Fourth — Organi- 
zation of  education  on  a  secular,  scientific  and  equal  basis  for 
both  sexes.  Fifth — Equal  rights  for  all  without  distinction  as 
to  sex  or  race.  Sixth — Regulation  of  all  affairs  by  free  contracts 
between  the  independent  communes  and  associations  resting 
on  a  federalistic  basis."*  You  ask,  what  precisely  does  all 
this  mean  ?  In  answer,  I  quote  at  length  from  one  of  the 
expositors  of  the  Internationalist's  creed  :  "  Socialism  pro- 
poses to  abolish  the  system  of  wages-slavery,  and  instead 
establish  governmental  co-operation  for  production  and  dis- 
tribution." "Socialism  proposes  to  secure  to  every  person 
who  labors  the  full  equivalent  of  his  labor,  partly  in  per- 
sonal remuneration  and  partly  in  social  and  public  benefits, 
such  as  education,  recreation,  transportation,  communication 
and  the  best  possible  sustenance  and  care  in  sickness  and  old 
age — not  as  a  charity,  but  as  a  debt  that  society  owes  to 
every  useful  citizen."  "Socialism  proposes  to  perfect  the 
educational  system  by  abolishing  the  present  lack  of  system. 
The  State  would  educate  every  child  thoroughly,  and  as 
it  advanced  give  it  an  opportunity  to  master  any  science, 
art  or  mechanical  pursuit  for  which  its  tastes  or  abilities 
adapted  it."  "Socialism  proposes  scientific,  intelligent,  en- 
lightened government,  or  free  co-operation  on  the  ba.sis  of 
liberty,  equality,  fraternity,  and  solidarity."  "Socialism  pro- 
poses to  stop  the  wastes  of  society  by  having  none  of  its  mem- 
bers uselessly  employed  or  idle,  and  by  turning  the  great 
army  of  non-producers  into  an  army  of  useful  producers — more 
workers  and  less  work  for  each."  "Socialism  proposes  that 
machinery  shall  do  the  world's  work,  and  that  the  whole  peo- 

*  Quoted  from  ""Recent  American  Socialism,"  by  Richard  T.  Ely,  Ph.  D. 
"Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies,"  third  scric.s,  iv.  Baltimore:  A]>rilj 
1885,  pp.  27,  28. 


46  STUDIES  IX  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

pie  shall  own  such  machinery  and  shall  reap  the  full  benefits 
thereof,  individually  and  collectively  ;  not  as  at  present,  when 
machinery  is  owned  only  by  wealthy  individuals  and  corpora- 
tions, and  operated  to  the  degradation  of  the  human  machines 
who  attend  them."  "Socialism  proposes  that  the  cultivation 
of  land  is  the  sole  title  to  its  occupancy  ;  that  the  soil  is  com- 
mon property  ;  the  improvements  belong  to  the  individual  ; 
that  as  fast  as  practicable  and  consistent  with  individual  lib- 
erty, the  Government  should  resume  title  to  all  land  and  cul- 
tivate it  in  large  domains  to  the  best  advantage,  by  the  most 
improved  machinery,  and  the  raising  of  only  such  crops  as 
are  best  adapted  to  the  soil,  climate,  season,  etc."  "Socialism 
advocates  the  destruction  and  utter  extinction  of  all  emperors, 
kings,  princes,  nobles,  and  tyrants,  crowned  or  uncrowned, 
titled  or  untitled — no  figure-heads  and  no  castes."  "Socialism 
advocates  that  the  time  and  service  of  one  man  is  equal  ulti- 
mately to  the  tune  and  service  of  any  other  man  ;  hence  the 
nearest  approach  to  exact  justice  is  equal  pay  for  equal  time 
and  expenditure  of  equal  energy."  "  Socialism  would  abolish 
poverty  by  preventing  it,  by  removing  its  causes.  As  poverty 
is  the  cause,  directly  or  indirectly,  of  all  crime,  therefore  by 
the  abolition  of  poverty,  crime  would  be  almost  unknown, 
and  with  poverty  would  disappear  all  the  lice,  leeches,  vam- 
pires and  vermin  that  fatten  on  its  filth — such  as  the  entire 
legal  fraternity,  soldiers,  police,  spies,  judges,  sheriffs,  priests, 
preachers,  quack-doctors,  etc."  "  Socialism  would  have  money 
based  on  labor  performed,  and  therefore  represent  some  tangi- 
ble wealth  or  benefit  to  society.  The  man  therefore  who  la- 
bored would  have  money  or  labor-notes  to  the  amount  of  service 
he  had  rendered.  If  he  performed  no  useful  work  he  would 
have  no  money,  hence  no  food.  On  the  other  hand,  the  man 
who  had  more  money  than  he  had  labored  for  could  readily  bo 
detected  and  deprived  of  that  which  belonged  to  some  one  else. 
Under  a  socialistic  system  extremes  of  poverty  and  wealth  in 
the  hands  of  individuals  could  not  exist.  The  people  in  their 
collective  capacity  would  own  and  control  all  the  surplus 
wealth  of  the  nation  or  community."  * 

But  you  ask  still  more  definite  statements  as  to  how  our 

*  "Socialism,"  by  Starkweather  and  Wilson,  pp.  28-30. 


HOW  ANARCHY   WILL   ADMINISTER.  4T 

Anarchist-Socialist  proposes  to  secure  all  these  ends.  Definite 
statements  are  with  difficulty  obtained  if  they  can  be  obtained 
at  all.  Some  anarchists  seem  to  agree  with  the  Social  Labor 
party.  Others  differ  very  widely  from  them  as  to  the  State. 
There  are  some  who  say,  "  We  want  no  State.  The  doctrine 
of  laissez  faire — the  '  let  alone '  policy — is  good  enough  for 
us.  Why,  our  political  leaders  have  been  teaching  us  that 
the  less  government  the  better  ;  that  '  the  world  is  governed 
too  much '  ;  that  the  State  is  at  best  a  necessary  evil.  Well, 
we  propose  to  do  away  with  the  evil  altogether."  "The  State 
is  only  another  name  for  oppression.  We  want  no  State.  We 
recognize  the  right  of  no  individual  or  body  of  men  to  inter- 
fere with  us.  We  will  have  neither  State  nor  laws.  Every 
man  shall  have  liberty  to  do  as  he  pleases,  unless  he  wants  to 
amass  property  or  in  any  way  control  production."  This  An- 
archist-Socialist tells  us  that,  "  as  gregarious  animals,  and  for 
the  sake  of  voluntary  co-operation,  men  will  naturally  form 
themselves  into  self-governing  communes  and  townships,  into 
which  the  whole  of  mankind  will  ultimately  be  resolved."  As 
to  economic  principle,  our  Anarchist-Socialist  would  place 
all  activities  upon  an  equal  basis  of  reward.  Equal  tune  and 
equivalent  expenditure  of  force  bring  equal  earnings.  A  dol- 
lar might  represent  the  toil  of  one  hundred  minutes  and  one 
dollar  would  always  be  equal  to  another.  Your  hundred  min- 
utes of  work  could  earn  no  more  than  mine  or  any  other  man's. 
The  value  of  all  products  would  be  measured  by  the  number 
of  hours  it  had  cost  to  produce  them.  How  this  method  is  to 
be  applied  is  illustrated  by  a  specimen  page  from  the  account 
of  John  Smith,  metal-worker.  Mr.  Smith  has  received  the 
book  from  the  County  Clerk.  It  contains  Smith's  photograph, 
personal  description,  etc.  On  one  of  the  leaves  is  the  follow- 
ing entry  made  by  the  foreman  of  the  shop  where  Smith 
works  : 

John  Smith  in  account  with  Socialistic  Republic,  the  people 
of  the  United  States. 

Cr.  Jan.  2.     By  labor,  6  hours,  30  minutes. 

During  the  week  Smith,  working  as  much  or  as  little  as 
he  pleases,  has  earned  thirty-six  hours  and  thirty-five  minutes. 
He  goes  to  one  of  the  Government  grocery  markets  and  finds 
articles  marked  in  hours  and  minutes,  the  exact  time  it  has 


48  STUDIES  IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

taken  to  produce  them.     Smith  buys  what  he  needs  of  the 
clerk  and  balances  the  account  as  follows  : 

John  Smith, 

Cr.  By  labor  done,  36  hours,  35  minutes. 
Dr.  To  goods  bought,  15  hours,  40  minutes. 

Tune  on  hand,  20  hours,  55  minutes. 

If  Smith  chooses  he  can  have  this  balance  in  labor-notes. 
"Under  this  system,"  says  its  expositor,  "  for  the  first  time  in 
the  history  of  the  world  would  the  worker  be  able  to  secure 
the  full  value  of  his  work."  * 

But  we  must  invite  our  friend,  the  internationalist,  the 
anarchist,  the  absolute  equality  man,  to  step  aside  for  a  mo- 
ment, that  another  type  of  socialist,  a  truer  representative  of 
real  socialism,  may  speak.  This  man  belongs  to  the  Socialistic 
Labor  party.  At  Baltimore,  in  December,  1883,  the  "Mani- 
festo of  the  Congress  of  the  Socialist  Labor  Party "  was  pro- 
mulgated. It  contains,  among  other  declarations,  the  follow- 
ing :  "Labor  being  the  creator  of  all  wealth  and  civilization, 
it  rightfully  follows  that  those  who  labor  and  create  all  wealth 
should  enjoy  the  full  result  of  their  toil.  Therefore,  we  de- 
clare :  That  a  just  and  equitable  distribution  of  the  fruits  of 
labor  is  utterly  impossible  under  the  present  system  of  society. 
This  fact  is  abundantly  illustrated  by  the  deplorable  condition 
of  the  working  classes,  which  are  in  a  state  of  destitution  and 
degrading  dependence  in  the  midst  of  their  own  production. 
We  furthermore  declare  that  the  present  industrial  system  of 
competition,  based  on  rent,  profit-taking  and  interest,  causes 
and  intensifies  this  inequality,  concentrating  in  the  hands  of 
a  few  all  means  of  production,  distribution  and  the  results  of 
labor,  thus  creating  gigantic  monopolies,  dangerous  to  the 
people's  liberties.  We  further  declare  that  these  monster  mo- 
nopolies and  these  consequent  extremes  of  wealth  and  poverty, 
supported  by  class  legislation,  are  subversive  of  all  democracy, 
injurious  to  the  national  interests,  and  subversive  of  truth  and 
morality." 

"To  abolish  this  system  with  a  view  to  establish  co-opera- 

*  "  Socialism."  Starkweather  and  Wilson.  Appendix  A.  By  B.  G.  Has- 
kell,  pp.  80,  81.  In  the  visitor's  book  at  the  Oneida  Community  is  :i  »\>w\- 
men  of  labor-check,  written  by  Robert  Owen. 


ANARCHIST  AND   LABOR-SOCIALIST   CONTRASTED.         49 

tive  production  and  to  secure  equitable  distribution,  we  de- 
mand that  the  resources  of  life — namely,  land,  the  means  of 
production,  public  transportation  and  exchange — become  as 
fast  as  practicable  the  property  of  the  whole  people."  * 

Our  Labor-Socialist  is,  as  regards  the  State,  at  quite  a  wide 
move  from  his  brother,  the  Anarchist-Socialist.  The  Labor- 
Socialist  does  not  see  how  there  can  be  any  true  social  owner- 
ship, any  rational  production  in  the  common  interest,  unless 
there  is  some  social  control  and  regulation.  He  is  not  opposed 
to  the  State  as  such,  but  only  to  what  he  calls  the  existing  class 
or  capitalistic  state,  and  this  state  he  would  transform  into  the 
socialistic  or  people's  state.  While  the  Anarchist  avoids  poli- 
tics and  depends  on  agitation  alone,  the  Labor-Socialist  is  a 
politician.  He  votes.  He  believes  in  the  ballot.  The  An- 
archist has  a  very  loose  form  of  "association."  The  Labor- 
Socialist  organizes  a  "party."  The  Anarchist  would  precipi- 
tate revolution  by  deeds  of  violence.!  The  Labor-Socialist 
regards  this  as  madness.  He  believes  that  revolution  is  by 
evolution,  a  thing  not  made,  but  grown.  He  advocates  peace- 
ful agitation  and  use  of  lawful  measures  on  behalf  of  his  prin- 
ciples, until  the  violent  conflict  shall  be  forced  upon  him  by 
his  capitalist  masters — an  issue  which  he  believes  is  certain  to 
come. 

When  we  ask  our  Labor-Socialist  for  specific  details  of  his 
plans  ;  how  he  proposes  to  arrange  his  new  industrial  order  ; 
by  what  charts  of  economic  philosophy  his  financial  and  pro- 
ductive methods  will  be  guided  ;  by  what  lights  of  adminis- 
trative wisdom  his  path  of  statesmanlike  regulation  will  be 
illumined — his  answer  is  somewhat  hazy  and  indefinite.  He 
admits  that  his  principal  thought  has  been  given  to  the  de- 
structive rather  than  to  the  constructive  side.  He  is  a  critic, 
not  a  builder.  He  has  looked  so  intently  on  the  disease  of 
society,  that  while  he  thinks  himself  able  to  make  a  diagnosis 
of  the  case,  he  is  not  so  certain  of  himself  when  he  comes  to 
act  as  a  practitioner  of  the  healing  side  of  his  art.  One  of 

*  Quoted  from  Ely's  "  Recent  American  Socialism,"  p.  47. 

t  There  are  some  who  believe  in  Anarchy  as  the  highest  form  of  human  life 
who  are  peace-men.  Of  these  the  late  William  Lloyd  Garrison  was  an  ex- 
ample. 

3 


50  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM.     — 

these  Labor-Socialists,  writing  as  expositor  of  the  new  creed, 
with  quite  becoming  modesty  confesses  that  the  details  of  the 
creed  have  not  been  perfected.  "If,  as  we  maintain,"  he 
writes,  "this  wage  system  is  nothing  but  a  temporary  phase 
of  the  evolution  of  society,  then  it  follows  that  political 
economy  is  destined  to  be  superseded  by  a  new  philosophy — 
a  true  science — as  soon  as  the  new  conditions  arise.  Under 
social  co-operation  we  shall  have  a  perfectly  different  philoso- 
phy of  the  production  and  distribution  of  wealth,  which  we 
not  inaptly  may  call  social  economy.  But  do  not  for  a  mo- 
ment suppose,"  continues  our  expositor,  "that  we  here  intend 
to  elaborate  that  new  science.  We  are  all  of  us  too  much  the 
children  of  our  own  age  to  make  such  an  attempt.  Do  not 
forget  that  Socialists  are  not  willing  to  be  taken  for  architects. 
He  is  a  bad  architect  who  can  not  plan  the  building  he  is  re- 
quired to  erect,  to  the  nicest  details  ;  who  is  unable  to  tell  the 
size  of  this  drawing-room,  or  the  exact  location  of  that  closet. 
Do  not  demand  such  details  from  us."  * 

Certainly  the  demand  would  be  an  unfair  one.  When  the 
vast  historic  building  of  the  economic  and  administrative  past 
has  been  tumbled  into  chaos  ;  when  foundation-stones  are 
struggling  to  become  columns  and  architraves  ;  when  all  the 
books  on  social  architecture  have  been  torn  up  ;  when  all  the 
guiding  lights  of  experience  have  been  extinguished  ;  when 
the  new  order  is  expected  to  emerge  from  the  old,  under  the 
impulse  of  forces  that  have  never  been  measured  in  any  his- 
toric or  philosophic  crucible  ;  and  when  these  forces  are  ex- 
pected to  formulate  their  own  philosophy,  certainly  it  would 
be  too  much  to  ask  that  we  should  have  detailed  statements  as 
to  the  plan  of  the  growth  and  the  method  of  the  life  of  this 
new  order.  Yet  the  becoming  modesty  of  our  expositor  does 
not  hinder  him  from  going  into  something  like  detail.  If  he 
can  not  be  an  architect,  he  can  at  least  be  a  botanist.  If  he 
can  not  tell  how  many  leaves  his  plant  will  have,  he  can  at 
least  know  what  kind  of  a  plant  will  grow  from  a  specified 
seed.  This  indeed  may  be  doubted,  if  the  seed  is  of  a  sort 
hitherto  unknown  to  the  botanist's  science.  But  we  must  let 
our  Socialist  speak  for  himself  :  "Interest,  profit,  rent  will 

*  Gronlund,  "  Co-operative  Commonwealth." 


ECONOMIC   METHODS  OF  LABOR-SOCIALIST.  51 

become  things  of  the  past  as  soon  as  the  commonwealth  takes 
hold  of  the  whole  industrial  and  agricultural  plant.  Wealth 
will  no  longer  be  used  as  capital,  and  consequently  will  be 
no  longer  borrowed.  Society  will  own  all  productive  capital. 
Profit  will  disappear.  It  will  be  added  to  the  reward  of  labor. 
Rent,  as  a  tribute  levied  by  the  individual  monopolist  of  land, 
will  be  no  more.  All  land  used  for  agricultural  or  industrial 
purposes  will  have  become  a  part  of  the  collective  plant.  Land 
used  by  citizens  for  homes  or  other  private  purposes  will  yield 
rent  or  taxes  to  the  commonwealth."  Eveiy  citizen  will  bear 
his  proportion  of  the  social  expenses,  either  in  the  shape  of  a 
rent  paid  as  taxes,  or  in  a  percentage,  added  to  the  actual 
labor-cost  of  each  article  that  is  purchased.  Exchanges  will 
be  facilitated  by  some  such  contrivance  as  labor-checks.  If 
the  revolution  shall  be  accomplished  without  violence,  the 
State  may  see  fit  as  a  matter  of  policy  to  give  to  the  robber 
class  a  fair  compensation  for  the  property  which  the  State 
will  take  under  its  control.  But  no  interest  will  be  allowed, 
and  the  claims  will  be  paid,  not  in  money,  but  in  labor- 
checks  ;  and  if  the  claim  be  sufficiently  large,  the  payment 
will  be  in  the  form  of  annuities.  Goods  will  be  classified  as 
worth  not  so  much  money,  but  so  much  work.  The  merely 
incidental  function  of  money  as  a  measure  of  value  will  be 
abolished.  ' '  A  day's  work,  meaning  the  simplest  work  of 
average  efficiency  of  a  normal  working  day,  will  be  the  meas- 
ure of  value.  All  services  will  not  receive  equal  reward."* 
Here  our  Labor-Socialist  differs  from  the  Anarchist-Socialist. 
The  Labor-Socialist  is  not  a  Communist.  His  maxim  is  "To 
every  man  according  to  his  work."  The  value  of  the  social 
service  rendered  by  each  worker  will  be  determined  by  the 
State,  f  The  commonwealth  in  its  character  as  statistician 
will  fix  the  amount  of  production  for  each  succeeding  year  or 
season.  In  this  way  over-production,  under-production,  and 
commercial  crises  will  become  impossible.  No  man  will  be  a 
wage-worker,  no  man  a  slave.  The  State  will  employ  all  and 
direct  all.  Each  worker,  whether  laborer,  foreman,  clerk, 
manager,  teacher,  editor,  or  physician,  will  be  a  servant  of 

*  Quoted  or  paraphrased  from  Gronlund,  "Co-operative  Commonwealth." 
t  On  definition  of  State,  see  p.  95. 


52  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

the  whole  people,  a  public  official,  whose  function  will  be 
directed  and  his  compensation  fixed  by  the  commonwealth. 

When  we  ask  our  Socialist  for  some  details  of  his  govern- 
mental administration,  he  again  confesses  that  he  is  no  archi- 
tect. Yet  here,  as  in  the  matter  of  economics,  he  has  some 
very  pronounced  notions.  The  administrative  State  will  do 
its  work  in  the  interest  of  the  industrial  State.  Labor  will  be 
the  corner-stone  of  the  entire  building.  Under  the  new  sys- 
tem society  and  the  State  will  be  exchangeable  terms.  "Be- 
tween the  economic  and  social  organization  of  the  State  there 
will  not  be  a  particle  of  distinction.  The  new  order  will  have 
no  use  for  Presidents  and  Governors,  who,  for  their  term  of 
office,  are  masters  of  the  situation."  The  Senate  will  be  abol- 
ished ;  the  new  order  will  have  no  use  for  it.  It  is  the  cre- 
ation of  despots  and  always  their  tool.  There  are  Socialists 
who  propose  a  House  of  Representatives  whose  action  shall  be 
referred  to  the  people  for  sanction  or  rejection.  There  are 
others  who  do  not  believe  in  any  representative  body.  All 
Labor-Socialists  advocate  the  "Referendum" — the  reference 
of  all  laws  to  the  people  whom  their  passage  will  affect.*  Our 
Socialist  would  have  all  appointments  made  from  below,  and 
the  power  of  removal  vested  in  the  classes  above.  For  exam- 
ple, the  letter-carriers  will  appoint  the  Postmaster ;  but  the 
Postmaster  may  dismiss  a  letter-carrier  for  cause.  The  work- 
men in  the  various  shops  of  a  factory  will  elect  their  foremen. 
The  foremen  will  choose  the  Superintendent.  The  Superin- 
tendent will  choose  district  chiefs.  And  so  at  last  there  will 
be  chosen  a  National  Board  of  Administration,  whose  function 
it  shall  be  to  supervise  the  whole  social  activity  of  the  coun- 
try. The  test  of  office  will  be  capacity.  The  test  of  continu- 
ance in  office  will  be  efficiency.  Politics  will  cease  to  be  a 
trade,  and  will  become  the  personal  interest  of  all  the  people. 

Our  labor  Socialist  does  not  propose  to  abolish  private 
property.  Homes,  furniture,  silverware,  jewelry,  pictures, 
books,  personal  tools,  labor-notes — a  man  may  still  own.  And 
what  he  owns  he  may  give  away  while  he  lives  or  bequeath 
to  those  who  survive  him.  But  there  will  be  no  bonds,  no 
stocks,  no  mortgages,  no  evidences  of  debt.  All  lands,  rail- 

*  Of  this  the  government  of  Switzerland  furnishes  an  example. 


THE  LABOR-SOCIALIST'S  IDEAL.  53 

roads,  telegraphs,  telephones,  all  mines,  warehouses,  factories, 
shops,  bazaars,  machines — these  society  will  own.  To  these, 
use  will  give  the  only  rightful  personal  claim.  The  farm  that 
is  not  tilled,  the  city  lot  on  which  no  dwelling  stands  shall  be 
open  to  the  occupancy  of  the  first  man  who  will  put  farm  or 
lot  to  proper  use.  State  ownership  of  all  instruments  of  pro- 
duction, State  management  of  all  industry,  State  determina- 
tion of  all  compensation  for  work  done,  competition  abolished 
by  the  merging  of  all  enterprise  in  a  huge  monopoly  that  will 
in  some  undescribed  way  effect  exchange  without  profits — this 
is  our  socialist's  ideal.  Material  industry  will  be  the  basis  of 
all  action,  the  guide  of  all  legislation.  The  administration  of 
justice  will  be  simplified,  for  lawsuits  are  the  children  of  com- 
petition. To  this  material  industry  intelligence  will  lend  its 
thought.  Out  of  this  industry  poetry  will  soar  and  sing  its 
songs.  On  behalf  of  this  industry  science  will  investigate, 
and  discover  and  invent.  To  the  adornment  of  this  industry 
art  will  lend  pencil  and  brush  and  chisel.* 

If  you  ask  our  Socialist  whether  the  life  of  the  slave-driv- 
ers, as  he  terms  them,  is,  on  the  whole,  an  easy  life,  whether 
there  are  no  burdens  for  the  back  of  the  employer  of  labor,  no 
thorns  in  his  pillow — no  sleepless  nights,  no  care-worn  days 
for  him,  our  Socialist  will  answer,  yes,  indeed.  He  knows  as 
well  as  you  that  ninety-two  per  cent  of  all  the  business  men 
of  the  country  are,  in  the  long  run,  unsuccessful  men.  But 
then  our  Socialist  will  say,  "This  is  the  fruit  of  competition, 
of  capitalism."  We  propose  to  abolish  all  this.  When  Labor 
sits  on  the  throne,  acknowledged  as  the  creator  of  all  wealth, 
she  will  sway  her  gracious  scepter  as  the  dispenser  of  all  bless- 
ings alike  to  all.  There  shall  be  no  very  rich  and  no  poor. 
There  will  be  no  failures,  no  bankruptcies.  Since  there  is  no 
private  capital,  everybody  will  be  enlisted  in  the  service  of  the 
State,  and  an  average  of  two  hours'  labor  each  day  on  the  part 
of  all  will  produce  a  social  competence  sufficient  for  all. 

*  Sec  Gronlund,  "  Co-operativo  Commonwealth."  Also  in  confirmation 
of  this  and  previous  chapters,  so  far  as  they  represent  State  or  Labor  Social- 
ism, see  testimony  of  A.  Donai.  Report  of  the  committee  of  the  Senate  upon 
the  relations  between  Labor  and  Captital.  Washington:  Government  Print 
ing-Office,  1885,  vol.  ii,  pp.  702-743. 


54  STUDIES  IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

If  you  ask  our  Socialists  what  will  be  the  family  life  under 
the  new  commonwealth,  the  answers  will  be  discordant.  Some 
Socialists  are  free-lovers.  To  their  thought,  family,  property, 
estate,  all  belong  to  the  land  of  Egypt,  the  land  of  the  task- 
masters, and  will  be  totally  abolished  by  the  enfranchised  of 
the  new  exodus.  Such  Socialists  are  human  cattle-herders, 
scientific  human  cattle-breeders,  men  whose  language  and 
arguments  have  too  much  savor  of  the  sty  for  pure  minds  to 
think,  or  decent  pens  to  record,  or  clean  lips  to  report.*  There 
are  other  Socialists,  and  these  the  vast  majority,  who  stand  by 
the  family.  They  claim  that  social  vice  will  be  rendered  im- 
possible when  all  women  can  earn  a  support,  and  when  early 
competence  for  both  men  and  women  makes  early  marriage 
the  rule. 

What  does  our  Socialist  demand  ?  In  brief,  the  abolition 
of  the  existing  order,  the  substitution  of  State  ownership  of 
capital  for  personal  ownership  of  capital,  the  substitution  of 
collective  enterprise  for  private  enterprise,  State  regulation 
of  cost  of  wages  and  product  instead  of  competitive  regulation 
of  cost,  State  superintendence  of  industry  instead  of  private 
superintendence.  Capitalism,  competition,  private  enterprise 
to  the  scaffold  !  Labor,  universal  labor,  to  the  throne  ! 

Between  the  Egypt — where  a  horde  of  slaves  make  bricks 
without  straw,  and  rear  palaces,  temples,  pyramids,  treasure- 
houses  for  their  masters — and  the  fair  Canaan  of  Freedom, 
our  Socialist  sees  a  Red  Sea  of  violent  revolution.  Our  An- 
archist-Socialist rejoices  that  the  sea  is  there.  He  would  open 
it  to-morrow  if  he  dared.  He  would  entice  the  Pharaoh  of 
capital,  with  all  his  hangers-on  and  allies,  to  commit  them- 
selves to  the  treacherous  sands  from  which  for  a  moment  the 
waves  have  rolled  back,  for  the  safe  passage  of  the  enfran- 
chised— and  then  the  winds  of  retribution,  evoked  by  the  rod 

*  "  Dr.  Dulke,  in  a  Social  Democratic  club  in  Stuttgart,  expressed  himself 
in  favor  of  polygamy,  as  the  most  ethical  form  of  marriage,  according  to  re- 
lined  conceptions,  while  he  denounced  Christian  marriage  as  a  decidedly  im- 
moral institute."  "  The  Aim  of  Socialism."  By  Kev.  John  H.  Oerter. 
"  New  York  Tribune,"  June  1,  1878.  See  also  quotations  from  Socialist 
newspapers  in  Ely's  "  Recent  American  Socialism,"  pp.  33,  34.  "  Free  love" 
is,  as  appears  in  "Plato's  Republic,"  the  logical  accompaniment  of  "free 
land,  free  tools,  free  money." 


A  UTOPIAN  DREAM.  55 

of  some  new  Moses,  should  blow  the  waters  of  ingulfing  ruin 
upon  the  oppressors  of  mankind. 

Our  Anarchist-Socialist  would  then  sing  his  song  of  tri- 
umph, not  unto  God,  for  he  knows  no  God,  but  unto  the  forces 
of  revolution — "Sing  unto  revolution  for  it  hath  triumphed 
gloriously.  The  capitalist  horse  and  his  rider  hath  it  thrown 
into  the  sea.  The  enemy  said,  I  will  pursue,  I  will  divide  the 
spoil,  my  lust  shall  be  satisfied  upon  them  ;  I  will  draw  my 
sword,  my  hand  shall  devour  them.  But  thou,  O  Revolution, 
didst  blow  upon  them  with  thy  wind  ;  the  sea  covered  them  ; 
the  earth  swallowed  them  ;  they  sank  as  lead  in  the  mighty 
waters."  * 

Our  Labor-Socialist  does  not  like  the  sea.  He  would  keep 
as  far  away  from  the  sea  as  he  can,  and  as  long  as  he  can. 
Yet  the  thought  of  revolution  does  not  frighten  the  Socialist. 
Indeed,  revolution  will  render  unnecessary  any  compensation 
to  the  capitalist.  The  State,  emerging  from  revolution,  can 
"exploit"  as  it  pleases.  Conflagration,  murder,  robbery, 
ruin  !  Ah,  we  do  not  make  them.  You  make  them, — you, 
who  resist  the  inevitable  evolution.  For  beyond  this  Red  Sea 
the  Canaan  lies. 

It  is  a  fair  land — a  beautiful  Utopia — of  which  our  Social- 
ist dreams.  One  great  robbery,  the  resuming  of  all  their 
rights  by  the  people,  shall  put  an  end  to  all  robbery.  In  that 
fair  land  all  shall  be  kings.  There  the  greed  of  gain,  the  lust 
of  gold,  the  relentless  hell  that  yawns  in  the  hearts  of  rich 
and  poor  alike  ;  the  greed  that  turns  all  blessings  into  curses, 
that  sets  your  palace  and  your  noisome  cellar  and  squalid  gar- 
ret side  by  side  ;  the  greed  "  that  fills  your  prisons  and  your 
brothels,  that  robs  womanhood  of  its  grace  and  childhood  of 
its  joy  and  innocence" — shall  be  forever  banished.  There, 
every  man  shall  be  well  clad,  well  housed,  well  fed.  No 
idlers  shall  be  there,  no  pauper  class,  no  criminals.  The 
weary  feet  of  the  tramp  shall  be  at  last  at  rest.  Churches 
shall  no  longer  look  down  upon  tenements  where  "hungry 
infants  moan  and  weary  mothers  weep."  f  Welcome  the  era 

*  See  Exodus  xv. 

t  Quoted  and  paraphrased  from  "Progress  and  Poverty."  Henry  George, 
various  pages. 


56  STUDIES  IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

of  industrial  freedom  !  Welcome  the  era  of  equal  prosperity  ! 
Room  to  reach  this  goal  of  justice  to  all  is  our  demand  !  Hail 
to  the  true  Kingdom  of  Heaven  !  •  Long  live  the  Social  Revo- 
lution 1  Hail  to  the  Reign  of  Peace  ! 

So  our  Socialist  speaks.  Again  you  have  heard,  sometimes 
his  words — always  his  thought.  What  have  we  to  say  to  him  ? 
Well,  we  have  very  much  to  say  to  him,  hut  not  yet.  Even 
as  I  hold  his  indictment  to  be  substantially  unjust,  so  I  hold 
his  demand  to  be  largely  irrational.  But  no  more  than  I  could 
consent  to  quash  off-hand  his  indictment,  can  I  consent  to 
dismiss  curtly  his  demand.  The  smoke  of  the  Socialist's  in- 
dictment has  some  fire  as  its  origin.  It  is  our  business  to  find 
out  if  we  can  where  the  fire  is  and  what  caused  it,  that  if  pos- 
sible we  may  put  it  out.  The  huge  pile  of  chaff  in  the  Social- 
ist's demand  has  not  been  heaped  up  by  him  from  the  great 
thrashing-floor  of  human  thought  and  feeling  without  gather- 
ing also  some  few  grains  of  precious  wheat.  And  it  is  our 
business  as  honest  men  to  find,  if  we  can,  this  wheat  amid  the 
chaff,  that  while  the  chaff  is  blown  away  we  may  turn  the 
wheat  into  such  bread  of  industrial  progress  and  administra- 
tive reform  as  shall  best  nourish  the  advancing  life  of  hu- 
manity. 


CHAPTER  V. 

IS  REVOLUTIONARY  SOCIALISM  AN  IMPENDING  PERIL  ? 

"  While  you  here  do  snoring  lie, 
Open-eyed  Conspiracy 

His  time  doth  take ; 
If  of  life  you  keep  a  care, 
Shake  off  slumber  and  beware ; 

Awake  1    Awake  1 " — The  Tempest,  Act  //,  scene  1. 

THE  form  of  our  question  pronounces  a  judgment  upon 
Socialism.  No  scheme  for  social  change  that,  on  the  whole, 
would  be  regarded  as  a  gain,  ought  to  be  treated  as  a  peril. 
To  say  that  Socialism  is  a  peril,  is  to  say  that  whatever  of 
truth  there  is  in  it,  its  error  is  more  than  its  truth  ;  that  what- 
ever of  good  there  is  in  it,  its  evil  is  greater  than  its  good. 
This  judgment  is  pronounced.  The  sum  of  the  demand  we 
have  heard  from  the  Socialist,  whether  he  be  of  the  Anarchist 
or  of  the  Conservative  type,  is  a  revolutionary  demand,  whose 
accomplishment  would  mean  wide-spread  and  lasting  disaster. 
In  pronouncing  this  judgment  upon  Socialism,  we  do  not  ban- 
ish the  Socialist  from  Court.  We  rather,  for  the  furtherance 
of  the  aim  of  this  present  chapter,  assume  to  pronounce  judg- 
ment. We  are  seeking  now  to  influence  certain  members  of 
the  Court ; — members  whose  views  and  conduct  must  have 
weight  in  determining  the  final  verdict.  We  seek  to  show 
some  reasons — apart  from  any  presentation  of  a  real  griev- 
ance, and  apart  from  any  righteous  revolt  against  injustice, — 
why  in  the  court  of  an  intelligent  public  opinion,  Socialism 
must  have  a  hearing.  Socialism,  whether  regarded  as  an- 
archy, or  as  "State  ownership  of  the  instruments  of  produc- 
tion, State  determination  of  the  price  of  labor," — Socialism  is 


58  STUDIES  IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

a  peril.  That  is  assumed.  Is  the  peril  far  away  ?  Or  is  the 
inarch  of  events  bringing  us  face  to  face  with  problems  of 
the  most  serious  nature,  which  we  must  meet,  and  in  whose 
right  solution  the  welfare  of  the  present  and  the  destiny  of  the 
future  are  involved  ?  Whether  the  peril  assumed  is  a  peril 
impending,  is  the  question  now  before  us. 

Professor  Richard  T.  Ely  gives  these  incidents  :  ' '  As  I  was 
walking  by  the  Union  League  Club  House  in  New  York  city, 
at  the  time  of  its  house-warming,  while  the  people  were  driv- 
ing up  in  their  fine  carriages,  one  poor  fellow  stood  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  street  watching  the  ladies  enter  in  their 
extravagant  toilets.  He  was  a  good-looking,  intelligent-ap- 
pearing man,  but  wore  no  overcoat.  It  was  a  cold  evening,  and 
he  seemed  to  me  to  be  shivering.  He  was  evidently  thinking 
of  the  difference  between  his  lot  and  that  of  the  fashionable 
people  he  was  observing.  And  I  heard  him  mutter  bitterly 
to  himself,  'A  revolution  will  yet  come  and  level  that  fine 
building  to  the  ground  ! '  A  friend  of  mine,"  continues  Pro- 
fessor Ely,  "  about  the  same  time,  passed  a  couple  of  laborers, 
as  he  was  walking  by  Mr.  Vanderbilt's  new  houses  on  Fifth 
Avenue.  Some  kind  of  bronze-work,  I  believe,  was  being  car- 
ried in  ;  and  he  heard  one  of  them  remark,  savagely,  '  The 
tune  will  come  when  that  will  be  melted  by  fire ! ' "  *  Multiply 
these  incidents  by  ten  thousand,  fifty,  one  hundred  thousand. 
Scatter  such  men  in  considerable  numbers  through  our  large 
cities,  from  San  Francisco  to  New  York,  from  Galveston  to 
Boston.  Is  there  any  peril  ?  We  are  not  now  concerned  as 
to  whether  this  feeling  is  unreasonable  or  otherwise,  wicked 
or  the  contrary.  We  are  concerned  to  know  whether  this 
feeling  exists. 

One  of  the  most  significent  circumstances  in  connection 
with  this  social  agitation  is  the  number  of  periodicals,  dailies, 
weeklies,  monthlies,  advocating  labor  rights,  or  avowedly  so- 
cialistic, that  with  increasing  circulation  are  springing  up  in 
most  unlooked-for  places,  not  only  in  Chicago  and  New  York, 
but  in  New  Hampshire,  Colorado,  and  Texas.  A  paper  in  Dal- 
las, Texas, f  was  styled  "The  Tocsin,  a  Herald  of  the  Coming 

*  "  French  and  German  Socialism,"  p.  26. 
t  Recently  suspended. 


INCENDIARY  UTTERANCES.  59 

[Revolution,"  and  it  sent  forth  with  wild  clangor  no  uncertain 
war  call.  Starkweather  and  Wilson,  in  their  tract,*  give  a  list 
of  thirty-three  papers,  sixteen  socialistic,  nine  semi-socialistic, 
and  eight  socialistically  inclined.  This  list  is  not  by  any  means 
complete,  f  Some  of  the  papers  represent  violent  revolution- 
ary principles.  Take  a  few  specimen  utterances  :  "Heaven  is 
a  dream  invented  by  robbers  to  distract  the  attention  of  the 
victims  of  their  brigandage."  "When  the  laboring-men  un- 
derstand that  the  heaven  which  they  are  promised  hereafter  is 
but  a  mirage,  they  will  knock  at  the  door  of  the  wealthy  rob- 
ber, with  a  musket  in  hand,  and  demand  a  share  of  the  goods 
of  this  life,  now."  "Hurrah  for  science  !  hurrah  for  dyna- 
mite !  the  power  which  in  our  hands  shall  make  an  end  of 
tyranny."  In  "  Truth,"  formerly  of  San  Francisco,  one  might 
read  such  sentences  as  these  :  "  'Truth'  is  five  cents  a  copy, 
and  dynamite  forty  cents  a  pound."  "  Every  trades-union  and 
assembly  ought  to  pick  its  best  men,  and  form  them  into  classes 
for  the  study  of  chemistry."  "War  to  the  palace,  peace  to  the 
cottage,  death  to  luxurious  idleness  ! "  "We  have  no  moment 
to  waste.  Arm  !  I  say,  to  the  teeth  !  for  the  revolution  is  upon 
you  !"  Says  another  journal :  "It  does  not  at  all  appear  so 
terrible  to  us,  when  laborers  occasionally  raise  their  arm,  and 
lay  low  one  and  another  of  this  clique  of  robbers  and  murder- 
ers." Another  issue  of  the  same  journal  calmly  discusses  the 
circumstances  in  which  it  would  be  justifiable  to  kill  men  like 
Gould  or  Vanderbilt :  "If  a  railroad  accident  should  happen 
in  consequence  of  the  clearly  proved  criminal  greed  of  these 
monopolists,  and  many  men  should  be  killed  or  crippled  there- 
by, and  the  jury  should  as  usual  pronounce  the  real  criminals, 
Vanderbilt  or  Gould, '  not  guilty,'  and  the  husband  or  father  of 
one  of  the  killed  or  one  of  the  crippled  should  arise  and  obtain 
justice  for  himself  in  the  massacre  of  these  monsters,  a  cry  of 
joy  would  resound  through  the  whole  land,  and  no  jury  would 
sentence  the  righteous  executioner.  Whether  one  uses  dyna- 
mite, a  revolver,  or  a  rope,  is  a  matter  of  indifference." 

*  "  Socialism,"  by  Starkweather  and  Wilson. 

t  Nor  is  the  classification  accurate.  For  the  "  Journal  of  United  Labor," 
the  organ  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  is  placed  in  the  first  class,  while  it  is  not  to 
be  classed  with  Socialism  at  all.  Prof.  Ely  estimates  that  there  are  probably 
five  hundred  of  these  labor-journals. 


60  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

Take  another  specimen  from  a  German  paper  of  Chicago 
called  "Die  Fackel,"  The  Torch,  and  whose  name  is  printed  in 
letters  of  flame  on  a  background  of  fire  and  smoke  :  "  Judge 
Lynch  is  the  best  and  cheapest  court  in  the  land  ;  and  when 
the  sense  of  justice  in  the  people  once  awakes,  may  the  Judge 
hold  court  in  every  place,  for  nowhere  is  there  a  lack  of  un- 
hanged honorables  and  prominent  sharps." 

Or  take  another  from  Host's  "Die  Freiheit,"  in  an  article  on 
"  Revolutionary  Principles "  :  "The  revolutionist  has  no  per- 
sonal interest,  concerns,  feelings  or  inclinations  ;  no  property, 
not  even  a  name.  Everything  in  him  is  swallowed  up  by  the 
one  exclusive  interest,  by  the  one  single  thought,  by  the  one 
single  passion — the  revolution.  The  revolutionist  despises 
all  dogmas,  and  renounces  the  science  of  the  present  world, 
which  he  leaves  for  future  generations.  He  knows  only  one 
science,  namely,  destruction.  For  this  purpose  and  for  this 
alone  he  studies,  mechanics,  physics,  chemistry  and  possibly 
also  medicine.  For  this  purpose  he  studies  day  and  night  liv- 
ing science — men,  characters,  relations,  as  well  as  the  condi- 
tions of  the  present  social  order  in  all  its  ramifications.  He 
despises  public  opinion.  He  despises  and  hates  the  present 
social  morality  in  all  its  leadings  and  in  all  its  manifestations. 
For  him  everything  is  moral  which  proves  the  triumph  of  the 
revolution,  everything  immoral  and  criminal  which  hinders  it. 
For  him  there  is  only  one  pleasure,  one  comfort,  one  recom- 
pense— the  success  of  the  revolution.  Day  and  night  may  he 
cherish  only  one  thought,  only  one  purpose,  viz.,  inexorable 
destruction." 

Or  take  a  specimen  from  "John  Swinton's  Paper,"  which 
is  classed  as  semi-socialistic.  The  extract  is  from  a  reprint  of 
an  interview  between  Mr.  Swinton  and  a  reporter,  published 
in  the  Brooklyn  "Union"  :  "Reporter — Do  you  think,  Mr. 
Swinton,  that  we  shall  have  in  this  country  a  revolution 
growing  out  of  the  troubles  between  capital  and  labor,  or 
that  there  will  be  only  spasmodic  excitements  in  different 
parts  of  the  Union,  to  be  settled  promptly  by  arbitration 
or  otherwise  ?  Swinton — Now  we  get  into  the  realm  of 
prophecy.  My  friend,  Henry  Rochefort,  remarked,  'In 
France  the  revolution  that  is  predicted  never  happens '  ; 
and  the  mere  fact  that  there  is  a  general  apprehension  of  a 


REVOLUTION  PROCLAIMED.  61 

social  earthquake  would  be  apt  to  lead  me  to  doubt  its  com- 
ing. Yet,  notwithstanding,  I  do  feel  the  ground  trembling, 
and  do  hear  sounds  as  though  there  might  be  something 
roaring  in  the  under  world.  Let  us  trust  in  the  merits  of  our 
holy-water  sprinkling-pots.  Let  us  trust  in  that  sweet  young 
thing  called  the  ballot.  Let  us  have  faith  in  that  cobweb 
called  reason.  Let  us  swing  ourselves  out  on  the  hopes  of 
democracy.  Let  us  go  up  in  the  lovely  balloons  of  faith.  In 
short,  let  us  be  merry.  I  guess,  on  the  whole,  these  volcanic 
fires  will  yet  give  the  world  a  larger  taste  than  Pompeii  had. 
Reporter — And  is  this  going  to  be  immediate  ?  Swinton — 
Well,  things  do  happen  so  unprovided  for  in  this  queer  old 
planet  of  ours — the  king  waving  the  tricolor  to-day,  the  guillo- 
tine on  the  Place  de  la  Concorde  to-morrow.  The  May  of  1877 
in  our  own  country,  lambent  and  calm  ;  July  of  1877  over  one 
hundred  thousand  militia  under  arms  against  railroad  revolts  ; 
Pittsburg  echoing  to  Scranton  ;  the  trump  resounding  from 
San  Francisco  to  New  York.  No  man  knows  the  dawn  of  to- 
morrow. God  knows.  Be  ye  ready,  for  in  such  an  hour  as 
ye  know  not,  the  tornado  cometh."  * 

July,  1877,  is  a  red-letter  era  to  the  Anarchist-Socialist.  He 
claims  that  the  first  1877  took  him  unawares,  but  that  he  "will 
be  armed  to  the  teeth  and  ready  for  the  second,  which  ushers 
in  the  dawn  of  a  new  civilization."  Listen  !  "Get  ready 
for  another  1877 — buy  a  musket  for  a  repetition  of  1877." 
"Buy  dynamite  for  another  1877."  "Organize  companies 
and  drill  for  a  recurrence  of  the  riots  of  1877."  "We  have 
shown  too  much  mercy  in  the  past.  Our  generous  pity  has 
cost  us  our  cause.  Let  us  be  relentless  in  the  coming  strug- 
gle." "Truth,"  in  1883,  quoted  with  approval  the  words  of 
a  French  Socialist,  to  this  effect  :  "We  have  the  right, 
we  have  the  power  ;  defend  it,  employ  it  without  reserve, 
without  remorse,  without  scruples,  without  mercy  !  War  to 
the  extreme,  to  the  knife  !  A  question  of  life  or  death  for  one 
of  the  two  shall  rest  on  the  spot.  .  .  .  For  the  good  of  the  peo- 
ple, iron  and  fire.  All  arms  are  human,  all  forces  legitimate, 
all  means  sacred.  We  desire  peace,  the  enemy  wants  war. 

*  Mr.  Swinton  is  not  to  be  classed  with  the  Anarchists.  He  is  only  an  out- 
spoken advocate  of  his  own  conception  of  justice  to  labor. 


62  STUDIES   IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

He  may  have  it  absolutely.  Killing,  burning,  all  means  are 
justifiable.  Use  them  ;  then  there  will  be  peace."  These 
things  are  said,  written,  printed,  widely  published,  eagerly 
read.  Where  ?  In  Germany,  France,  Austria,  handcuffed 
Russia  ?  Similar  things  are  printed  and  read  there.  But  these 
things  are  said  here  in  America!  These  are  indications  of 
the  temper,  not  of  one  or  two,  or  a  dozen  or  a  hundred,  but, 
according  to  the  most  careful  estimates,  the  temper  of  at  least 
fifty  thousand  men.  This  is  the  Internationalist's  temper. 

The  Labor-Socialist  does  not  talk  quite  in  this  fashion. 
This  is  what  he  says.  I  quote  from  his  own  manifesto  : 
"We  must  expect  that  our  enemies — when  they  see  our  power 
increase  in  a  peaceful  and  legal  way  and  approaching  victory 
— will  on  their  part  become  rebels,  just  as  once  did  the  slave- 
holders, and  that  then  the  time  will  come  for  the  cause  of 
labor,  when  that  old  prime  lever  of  all  revolutions,  force, 
must  be  applied,  in  order  to  place  the  working  masses  in 
control  of  the  State,  which  then  for  the  first  time  will  be  the 
representative,  not  of  a  few  privileged  classes,  but  of  all 
society.  We  surely  do  not  participate  in  the  folly  of  these 
men,  who  consider  dynamite  bombs  the  best  means  of  agita- 
tion to  produce  the  greatest  revolution  that  transpired  in  the 
social  life  of  mankind.  We  know  very  well  that  a  revolution 
in  the  brains  of  men  and  the  economical  conditions  of  society 
must  precede  ere  a  lasting  success  can  be  obtained  in  the 
interest  of  the  working  classes."*  The  Labor-Socialist  is 
striving  to  educate  leaders,  who  shall  guide  the  masses  in  the 
inevitable  coming  strife,  and  prevent  the  new  revolution  from 
sharing  the  fate  of  its  French  progenitor,  and  from  being 
captured  by  the  capitalists.  Says  a  writer,  on  the  whole  so 
peaceable  as  Mr.  Gronlund  :  ' '  Revolt  after  revolt  may  be  put 
down,  as  '77  was  put  down.  But  in  the  fullness  of  time  we 
shall  not  be  put  down.  Then  is  the  time  for  the  energetic 
Socialist  minority  to  exert  its  influence.  There  is  nothing 
that  the  people  in  such  a  crisis  hail  more,  nothing  that  they 
hunger  and  thirst  more  after  than  definite  solutions."  Mr. 
Gronlund  then  refers  to  Bulwer's  satire,  "The  Coming  Race," 
with  its  "  Vril,"  which,  stored  in  a  small  wand  and  skillfully 

*  Quoted  from  Ely's  "  Recent  American  Socialism,"  p.  49. 


THE  SOCIALIST   A  ZEALOT.  63 

wielded,  can  "rend  rocks,  remove  any  natural  obstacles, 
scatter  the  strongest  fortress,  and  make  the  weak  a  perfect 
match  for  any  combination  of  number,  skill  and  discipline." 
"What  is  this  '  Vril,'"  asks  Mr.  Gronlund,  "but  a  poetic  an- 
ticipation of  the  civilizing  power  of  that  real  energetic  sub- 
stance which  we  call  dynamite  ? "  * 

This  is  the  temper  of  the  Labor-Socialist.  He  represents, 
according  to  the  lowest  estimate,  twenty-five  thousand  men. 
These  seventy-five  thousand  Socialists  of  all  types  are  not 
brutes,  not  fiends,  not  men  who  delight  in  blood.  I  do  not 
believe  the  portrait  hi  the  "  Century  "t  is  typical.  I  have 
met  Socialists,  but  none  such  as  he.  I  do  not  believe  that  the 
Socialist  is  described  by  the  old  jingle  : 

"  What  is  a  Communist  ?     One  who  hath  yearnings 
For  equal  division  of  unequal  earnings. 
Idler  or  bungler,  or  both,  he  is  willing 
To  fork  out  his  penny  and  pocket  your  shilling." 

No  !  no  !  Let  us  not  deceive  ourselves  with  any  such 
notion.  Mistaken  as  he  is,  the  Socialist  is  not  a  fool.  He  has 
a  philosophy  whose  roots  go  deeply  into  the  history  of  human 
thought.  Socialism  is  a  religion  to  him.  It  is  his  Gospel  for 
the  race.  It  stirs  him  with  a  passionate  enthusiasm  for  hu- 
manity. It  makes  him  a  missionary.  He  preaches  his  Gospel 
wherever  he  goes  ; — quietly,  secretly  often,  lest  for  his  religion 
he  lose  his  bread  ;  but  he  always  preaches.  He  is  intensely 
proselyting  in  his  spirit.  He  uses  the  platform.  He  uses  the 
press.  No  more  leaves,  scattered  by  loving  hands,  go  forth 
from  the  rooms  of  the  various  tract  societies  than  go  forth 
from  the  centers  of  the  Socialist  propaganda.  The  more  than 
one  million  workingmen,  organized  in  trade  societies,  and 
the  millions  of  the  unorganized  workers  are  the  field  for  the 
propaganda.  Socialist  hearts  are  many  among  the  laborers. 
Socialist  heads  are  becoming  more  numerous.  Socialist  drill- 
rooms  exist,  where  gather  to  learn  the  arts  of  war  not  men 
who  love  blood  and  murder,  bxit  men  with  sympathetic  hearts, 
inspired  by  a  fallacious  philosophy,  which  has  become  a  re- 

*  Gronlund,  "  Co-oper.  Com.,"  pp.  274,  275. 
t  "  Century  Magazine,"  November,  1865. 


64:  STUDIES   IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

ligion,  and  who  believe  that  revolution,  peaceable  if  it  may 
be,  forcible  if  it  must  be,  is  the  imperative  demand  in  the  in- 
terests of  humanity.  "  To  help  to  evolve  a  new  social  order, 
which  is  struggling,  convulsively  struggling,  to  be  born,  is  an 
end  grand  enough  to  fill  the  noblest  soul  with  the  most  ardent 
zeal."* 

This  is  the  temper  of  Socialism.  That  it  is  a  philosophy  ; 
that  it  is  a  religion  ;  that  it  has  fascination  for  humane 
minds  ;  that  it  can  break  down  race  antagonisms,  and  become 
international,  subordinating  patriotism  to  a  scope  of  enter- 
prise that  includes  all  countries  ;  that  it  can  fan  the  sparks  of 
discontent  into  flames  of  revolt ;  that  it  is  intensely  propa- 
gandist ; — this  is  both  its  power  and  its  menace.  Is  it  a  peril 
impending,  not  for  Germany  and  France  and  England  so 
much  as  for  America  ?  Here,  where  in  the  condition  of  the 
working  classes  there  is  the  least  possible  justification  for 
social  revolution,  is  there,  perchance,  the  greatest  likelihood 
that  revolution  will  be  attempted  ? 

Let  us  ask  ourselves  some  plain  questions.  Is  it  a  fact  that 
Socialism,  coming  no  matter  whence,  is  here,  and  to  the  ex- 
tent of  seventy  or  seventy-five  thousand  avowed  adherents  ? 
Is  it  a  fact  that  many  labor  organizations  are  only  "  training- 
schools,"  which  "educate  the  laborers  up  to  Socialism?"  Is 
it  a  fact  that  for  many  years  a  multitude  of  foreigners  have 
been  coming  to  our  shores  ;  that  while  many  of  these  for- 
eigners are  intelligent,  many  are  ignorant  ;  that  while  many 
are  moral,  some  are  vicious  ;  that  while  many  are  industrious 
and  rank  among  our  best  citizens,  some,  already  paupers,  go 
to  swell  the  pauper  class  ?  Is  it  a  fact  that  the  acquisition  of 
property  by  the  Socialist  immigrant  does  not  always  take  out 
of  him,  indeed,  rarely  takes  out  of  him,  the  Socialist  spirit  in- 
grained from  his  childhood  ?  Is  it  a  fact  that  many  of  these 
immigrants,  coming  from  under  the  repressive  rule  of  a 
despotic  Church  or  a  misgoverned  State,  are,  on  tasting  the 
sweets  of  freedom,  tempted  to  turn  liberty  into  license  ?  Is  it 
a  fact  that,  after  a  few  years'  residence,  these  immigrants, 
many  of  them  wholly  unaccustomed  to  political  power,  are 
endowed  with  all  the  prerogatives  of  political  power  ?  Is  it  a 

*  Gronlund. 


DANGERS  FROM  POLITICAL  CONDITIONS.  65 

fact  that,  as  an  English  writer  puts  it,  "The  United  States  of 
America  are  a  great  alembic,  into  which  the  emigrant  vessels 
of  Europe  are  constantly  pouring  a  vast  quantity  of  unknown, 
doubtful,  and  even  explosive  materials  ;  and  her  arduous  task 
is  to  separate  obstinacy  from  English  courage,  superstition 
from  French  thrift,  indolence  from  Irish  shrewdness,  want  of 
enterprise  from  Scandinavian  industry,  and  indifference  from 
Chinese  skill  and  patience  ? "  *  Is  it  a  fact  in  our  political  life 
that  many  of  our  administrative  methods  have  been  wickedly 
wasteful,  and  much  of  our  legislation  blindly  blundering  ? 
Is  it  a  fact  that  many  a  man  has  been  placed  in  high  position 
of  executive  or  legislative  trust,  not  because  he  had  more  in- 
telligence, more  capacity,  more  statesmanship  than  his  fel- 
lows, but  because  he  owned  a  "barrel"  ?  Is  it  a  fact  that 
votes  are  bought  at  the  polls  as  sheep  are  bought  in  the  sham- 
bles ?  Is  it  a  fact  that  such  things  as  "  pocket  boroughs  "  are 
to  be  found  in  America  ?  Is  it  a  fact  that  judges  are  some- 
times chosen  that  they  may  pervert  justice  in  the  interest  of 
individuals  or  rings,  like  as  Mr.  Tweed  controlled  Cardozo  ; 
even  as,  according  to  the  "New  York  Times,"  Mr.  Jay  Gould 

has  furnished  the  ermine  which  clothes  Mr.  Justice ?    Is 

it  a  fact  that,  in  many  cities,  laws  are  not  enforced  because  the 
authorities  are  afraid  of  the  voters  ?  Is  it  a  fact  that  Societies 
for  Law  and  Order,  for  the  suppression  of  vice,  for  the  en- 
forcement of  laws  against  liquor-selling,  cruelty  to  animals, 
cruelty  to  children  and  the  like,  are  very  insulting  though 
very  necessary  protests  against  the  inefficiency,  and  the  com- 
plicity with  scoundrels,  of  the  powers  that  be  ?  Is  it  a  fact 
that  in  some  cities  the  Government  is  in  the  hands  of  the 
criminal  classes  ?  Is  it  a  fact  that  in  our  large  cities  there  are 
always  multitudes  of  thieves  and  loiterers,  who  are  ready  to 
take  advantage  of  any  labor  difficulty,  to  foment  the  violence, 
and  rapine  that  all  honest  workmen  deprecate  and  seek  to 
avoid  ?  t  Is  it  a  fact  that  in  case  of  a  riot  the  local  authorities 
usually  temporize  with  the  mob,  out  of  respect  to  the  next 
election,  until  the  trouble  is  beyond  control  ?  Is  it  a  fact  that 

*  "  Old  World  Questions  and  New  World  Answers,"  from  Prr-facc. 
t  The  late  riots  in  London  were  promoted  neither  by  Socialist  nor  by  non- 
Socialist  workmen,  but  by  criminals. 


66  STUDIES  IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

modern  science  has  put  into  the  hands  of  angered  men  the 
most  terribly  destructive  agency  known  to  history — an  agency 
that  in  an  hour  may  reduce  to  ruins  the  growth  of  all  the 
centuries  ?  Is  it  a  fact  that  there  are  influences  at  work 
among  us  which,  with  reason  or  without  reason,  are  fanning 
the  flames  of  discontent  ?  Is  it  a  fact  that  much  of  our  legis- 
lation, State  and  national,  has  been  directly  in  the  interest  of 
wealth,  and  secured  by  the  lobby  pressure  of  capital  ?  Is  it  a 
fact  that  we  have  given  away  vast  empires  to  railroad  corpo- 
rations, and  enabled  these  corporations  and  their  associated 
monopolies  to  dictate  to  the  national  Land  Office,*  and,  per- 
haps, to  control  the  American  Senate  and  many  of  the  State 
Legislatures  ?  Is  it  a  fact  that  there  are  dangerous  classes  in 
our  community — not  the  convicts,  not  the  paupers,  but  men 
high  up  on  the  social  ladder,  whose  gambling  schemes  of 
greed  and  grab  are  a  blight  upon  all  fair,  honest  industry,  the 
devouring  of  social  substance,  the  robbery  of  the  poor  ?  Are 
these  things  facts  ? 

Note,  now,  what  Roscher  says  as  to  the  conditions  which 
promote  Socialism  :  1.  A  well-defined  confrontation  of  rich 
and  poor.  2.  A  high  degree  of  the  division  of  labor,  by  which, 
on  the  one  hand,  the  mutual  dependence  of  man  on  man  grows 
ever  greater,  but  by  which,  at  the  same  time,  the  eye  of  the 
uncultured  man  becomes  less  and  less  able  to  perceive  the  con- 
nection existing  between  merit  and  reward,  or  service  and 
remuneration.  3.  A  violent  shaking  or  perplexing  of  public 
opinion  in  its  relation  to  the  feeling  of  right,  by  revolutions, 
especially  when  they  follow  rapidly  one  on  the  heels  of  anoth- 
er. 4.  Aspirations  on  the  part  of  the  working  classes  in  con- 
sequence of  a  democratic  constitution.  5.  A  general  decay  of 
religion  and  morality  among  the  people.  Do  any,  or  several 
of  these  conditions  exist  in  America  ?  f 

Is  revolutionary  Socialism  an  impending  peril  ?  As  an 
accomplished  reconstruction  of  society  on  the  basis  of  the  soci- 
alistic ideal,  No  !  I  do  not  believe  that  by  any  revolution, 

*  Art.,  "Kailway  Influence  in  the  Land  Office,"  G.  W.  Jdian,  "N.  A. 
Rev.,"  vol.  136,  pp.  454-466. 

t  "Principles  of  Political  Economy."  William  Kosclicr.  Vol.  ii,  pp.  237- 
240. 


DANGER  OF  VIOLENT  OUTBREAK.  67 

or  by  any  evolution,  the  socialist  state  will  ever  have  a  thor- 
ough trial.  I  do  not  believe  that  when  intelligent  working- 
men  themselves  come  to  understand  the  fatal  paralysis  that 
Socialism  will  fix  upon  industrial  progress,  they  will  give  a 
moment's  support  to  its  revolutionary  demands.  But  Social- 
ism is  here.  It  finds  favorable  soil  in  many  of  the  conditions 
of  our  American  life.  Some  criminal  and  riotous  outbreak 
may  be  its  longed-for  opportunity.  Its  encouragement  to 
crime,  for  the  sake  of  freedom,  may  incite  the  already  violent 
to  deeds  of  blood,  and  turn  even  peace-loving  philosophers  into 
incarnate  demons.  Once  summon  the  spirits  of  discord,  and 
set  them  on  the  work  of  wasting  property,  burning  dwellings, 
destroying  institutions,  and  who  shall  call  them  off  from 
their  terrible  work  ?  Once  unchain  the  tiger,  and  give  him 
taste  of  slaughter,  and  who  shall  slake  his  thirst  for  blood  ? 
Another  1877  may  be  the  prelude  to  another  1793.  Peril  does 
impend.  Dangers  do  menace.  Let  us  not  be  pessimists.  Let 
us  not  be  croaking  birds  of  ill-omen.  Let  us  "  believe  in  God, 
the  Father  Almighty,  Maker  of  heaven  and  earth."  But  any 
thoughtful  man  is  challenged  to  go  into  these  dark  forests  of  in- 
dustrial agitation,  all  entangled  as  they  are,  with  bad  political 
and  social  conditions,  and  to  come  out  with  his  heart  filled 
with  lightness,  and  his  lips  wreathed  with  smiles.  Those  were 
sober  words  of  Laveleye  :  "  The  enduring  triumph  of  a  vio- 
lent Socialist  revolution  is  impossible.  Nevertheless,  as  Nihil- 
ism, like  burning  lava,  seethes  throughout  the  underground 
strata  of  society,  and  there  keeps  up  a  sort  of  diabolical  de- 
stroying rage,  it  is  possible  that  in  some  crisis,  where  authority 
is  powerless,  and  repressive  force  paralyzed,  the  predictions  of 
Hegessippe  Moreau  and  Maxime  du  Camp  may  be  realized,  and 
we  may  see  our  capitals  ravaged  by  dynamite  and  petroleum 
in  a  more  ruthless  and  more  systematic  manner  than  even 
that  which  Paris  experienced  at  the  hands  of  the  Commune."* 
God  rules.  But  even  He  has  permitted  a  nation's  ruin,  to 
be  His  judgment  on  a  nation's  sins. 

What  is  to  be  done  ?  There  are  several  ways  in  which  we 
may  meet  these  urgent  issues.  We  may  use  force.  At  the 
first  sign  of  violence  we  must  use  force.  An  iron  hand  for 

*  "  Socialism  of  To-Day,"  p.  xliv. 


68  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

the  first  invader  of  the  public  peace  !  "They  who  take  the 
sword  shall  perish  by  the  sword."  But  you  will  never  uproot 
this  trouble  by  force.  Says  Mr.  Thorold  Rogers,  "Force 
could  extinguish  discontent  for  a  tune,  but  the  extinguisher 
would  have  to  be  hired,  and  would  in  the  end  itself  take  fire."  * 
Bismarck  tried  force  of  legislation,  and  his  answer  was  a  large 
increase  of  Socialistic  delegates  to  the  Reichstag. 

We  may  meet  the  claims  of  discontent  with  harsh  and 
bitter  words.  We  may  say  :  ' '  Who  are  these  fellows  ;  idle, 
incapable,  good-for-nothings  ;  what  do  they  want  ?  Why 
should  they  want  anything  ?  Always  trumping  up  some  new 
demand ;  always  airing  some  new  grievance  !  Out  of  my 
way  !  "  Like  the  Roman  Praetor,  when  the  gladiator  begged  for 
the  body  of  his  dead  friend,  we  may  draw  back  as  if  they  were 
pollution,  and  say  sternly  :  "Let  the  carrion  rot  !  There  are 
no  noble  men  but  Romans."  Like  the  haughty  French  peer, 
when  the  cries  for  bread  of  the  hungry  populace  rang  in  his 
ears,  we  may  say,  "  Let  the  cattle  eat  grass  ! "  But  the  method 
is  hardly  safe,  to  say  nothing  of  its  inhumanity  and  Christ- 
lessness.  Not  only  does  it  hurt  and  wound  men,  but  it  angers 
them — justly  so.  It  widens  the  breach.  It  alienates  social 
classes.  It  maddens  men,  makes  them  defiant,  desperate,  dan- 
gerous. Nor  ought  we  to  forget  that  a  disastrous  servile  in- 
surrection followed  the  Praetor's  insult  to  the  gladiator  ;  and 
that  the  French  noble's  head,  with  a  blade  of  grass  between 
the  teeth,  was  borne  upon  a  pike  as  the  banner  of  a  sans- 
culotte procession. 

We  may  treat  these  matters  with  unconcern,  refusing  to 
examine  them  and  to  discuss  them,  saying,  "  There  is  nothing 
in  them,  they  are  only  eddies  in  the  current,  not  the  sweep  of 
a  tide."  On  the  Mississippi  River  two  steamers  were  racing. 
One  of  them  rapidly  forged  ahead  of  its  competitor.  The 
spray  flew  from  its  prow.  The  water  was  churned  by  its  re- 
volving wheels.  An  officer  in  alarm  rushed  below  and  found 
that  the  engineer  had  gone  mad,  had  filled  the  furnaces  with 
rosin,  and  was  bestriding  the  safety-valve,  to  keep  it  down  ! 
Indifference,  refusal  to  discuss,  the  Philistinism  that  soothes 
itself  with  the  narcotic  cry,  "  Peace,  peace,"  when  there  is  no 

*  "  Work  and  Wages,"  p.  525. 


WHAT  SHOULD   BE   DONE.  69 

peace — this  is  the  stark  lunatic  that  bestrides  the  valve  of  so- 
cial safety,  while  other  hands  that  well  know  what  they  do  and 
why  they  do  it,  are  heaping  all  combustibles  upon  the  furnace- 
fires  !  Peril  !  Here  indeed  is  peril  !  "  The  chief  danger,"  said 
Dr.  Newman  Smyth,  "  is  not  that  a  few  fiends  let  loose  from 
the  hell  of  the  sins  of  civilization  shall  suddenly  blow  up 
the  works  of  ages  of  progress.  But  it  is,  rather,  that  actual 
wrongs  shall  be  pent  up  beneath  our  civilization,  and  not  ven- 
tilated in  open  discussion  ;  and  thus,  what,  if  exposed  to  the 
free  air  and  sunlight  might  have  been  harmless,  shall  slowly 
gather  destructive  energy  and  become  a  menace  to  our  social 
order."*  Not  force,  not  bitter,  cruel  words,  not  indifference  ! 
Nay  !  nay  !  These  help  nothing  !  These  increase  disturb- 
ance and  portend  disaster  !  Eather  let  us  inquire,  study,  dis- 
cuss. If  men  have  grievances,  let  us  listen  to  them.  If  there 
have  been  rank  injustices,  let  us  at  least  try  to  discover  them 
and  seek  to  remove  them.  If  there  is  a  truth  in  Socialism,  let 
us  grasp  it  for  ourselves  and  turn  it  to  the  largest  social  advan- 
tage. This  is  precisely  what  the  Anarchists  do  not  want.  Says 
"  Truth"  in  1884,  speaking  of  the  indiscriminate  use  of  dyna- 
mite :  "Its  effect  would  be  directly  reactionary.  Either  it 
would  induce  repressive  laws  abrogating  the  rights  we  have 
now,  which  permit  us  to  spread  our  doctrines,  or  it  would  wring 
from  the  fears  of  the  bourgeoisie  such  ameliorative  measures 
as  might  postpone  for  centuries  the  work  of  complete  emanci- 
pation." Well,  somehow,  even  for  fear,  yet  better  for  love,  let 
us  give  ourselves  to  finding  out  what  ameliorative  measures  are 
needed.  Believing  in  God,  let  us  believe  in  men.  Let  us 
help  men  to  believe  in  each  other.  Let  us  open  men's  hearts 
to  each  other.  Beneath  the  fine  linen  or  the  rags,  under  the 
clean  skin  of  him  who  toils  with  his  brain  or  the  grimy  fingers 
of  him  who  toils  with  his  hands,  let  us  find  the  real  humanity, 
the  essential  manhood  of  men,  the  manhood  capable  of  all 
love,  of  all  nobleness,  of  all  divine  uplift.  And 

"  Let  us  pray  that  come  it  may, 
As  come  it  will,  for  a'  that, 
That  sense  and  worth,  o'er  a'  the  earth, 
May  bear  the  gree  and  a'  that. 

*  "  Social  Problems,"  p.  6. 


70  STUDIES  IX  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

For  a'  that,  and  a'  that, 
It's  coming  yet,  for  a'  that, 
That  man  to  man  the  warld  o'er 
Shall  brothers  be,  for  a'  that."  * 

Woe  is  unto  those  who  invoke  catastrophe  in  the  hope  of 
accidental  improvement  !  Woe  to  those  who  with  the  foot  of 
violence  shall  set  in  motion  the  stone  of  revolution  over  the 
precipice  beneath  which  humanity  is  walking  !  f  Woe  to 
those  who,  as  Mill  has  said,  "have  such  a  serene  confidence 
in  their  own  wisdom  and  such  a  recklessness  of  other  peo- 
ple's sufferings — which  Robespierre  and  St.  Just,  hitherto  the 
only  typical  instances  of  those  united  attributes,  scarcely 
came  up  to — that  they  play  this  game  of  revolution  on  their 
own  private  opinion,  unconfirmed  as  yet  by  any  experimental 
verification  ! "  But  woe,  woe,  woe,  will  be  also  unto  us — to  us 
to  whom  have  been  given  minds  to  think,  hearts  to  feel,  influ- 
ence to  exert — if  we  fail  to  heed  the  beacon  warnings  that 
flame  along  the  hill-tops  of  history,  from  the  days  of  Rome's 
downfall  to  the  Parisian  Tophet-horrors  of  '93  ! 

*  Eobert  Burns. 

t"  Principles  and  Fallacies  of  Socialism,"  by  David  J.  Hill.  Lo veil's 
Library,  No.  533,  pp.  93,  96. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

ERRORS  IN  SOCIALISM. 

"  Discontent  accepts  ludicrous  and  even  suicidal  paradoxes." — James  E. 
Thorold  Rogers. 

"  Socialists  do  not  sufficiently  realize  that,  in  order  to  arrive  at  a  better 
order  of  things,  the  men  who  are  called  to  establish  and  maintain  it  must 
themselves  be  made  better,  and  that  the  first  step  is  to  purify  and  elevate  cur- 
rent ideas  as  to  duty  and  right." — Smile  de  Laveleye. 

WE  have  reached  a  point  in  these  discussions  where  we 
may  put  some  searching  questions  to  the  giant  of  philosophic 
and  practical  discontent,  who  has  been  looming  up  so  frown- 
ingly  and  dangerously  before  us.  This  giant  has  spoken  for 
himself.  With  his  own  words  he  has  thundered  forth  his  social 
indictment,  and  in  his  chosen  phrases  he  has  formulated  his 
revolutionary  demands.  We  have  been  patient  listeners.  If 
Socialism  is  a  peril,  there  is  surely  no  harm,  but  advantage,  in 
knowing  precisely  what  Socialism  is,  and  precisely  wherein 
the  peril  consists.  A  danger  concealed,  and  blindly  opposed, 
is  not  likely  to  be  a  danger  wisely  opposed  or  successfully 
overcome.  If,  to  some  of  you,  it  has  seemed  that  too  large  a 
place  has  been  given  to  the  Socialist's  side  of  this  controversy, 
and  that  principles  have  been  clearly  stated  around  which,  by 
means  of  the  statement,  hitherto  vague  and  ignorant  discon- 
tent may  crystallize,  you  are  reminded  that  if  anybody  has  re- 
ceived information,  the  Socialist  has  not.  If  anybody  has  been 
surprised  at  thoughts  presented,  it  has  not  been  the  Socialist. 
He  already  knew  these  things.  They  are  the  substance  of  his 
common  literature.  The  phrases  that  may  have  startled  you 
are  very  familiar  phrases  in  every  Socialist  club  and  many  a 
labor  assembly.  The  assertion  is  ventured,  without  fear  of 


72  STUDIES  IN   MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

contradiction,  that  if  one  thousand  average  workingmen  and 
an  equal  number  from  the  so-called  better  educated  classes  are 
compared,  it  will  be  found  that  those  who  have  read,  discussed 
and  formed  very  decided  opinions  on  economic  questions,  will 
be  fifty  per  cent  greater  in  number  among  the  workingmen 
than  among  the  other  class.  The  Socialist  side  of  the  case  has 
been  presented  in  so  full  a  manner,  not  only  for  the  sake  of 
fairness  in  discussion,  but  for  the  sake  of  information  to  many, 
not  workingmen,  who  have  given  little  thought  to  these  mat- 
ters and  who  are  quite  inadequately  informed  concerning 
them. 

We  need  information,  not  only  that  we  may  avoid  danger, 
but  that  we  may  do  our  duty.  It  will  never  do  to  presume 
upon  the  ignorance  of  workingmen.  In  1833,  M.  Persil,  Pro- 
cureur-General,  of  the  Court  of  Paris,  wrote,  "It  would  be 
risking  everything  if  we  were  to  let  the  workingmen  realize 
their  own  position."  *  The  explosion  in  Paris,  in  1848,  re- 
vealed to  astonished  France  that  the  workingmen  knew  a 
great  deal  more  as  to  their  own  position  than  they  had  been 
credited  with  knowing.  There  is  one  side  of  their  case  about 
which  we  need  not  take  special  pains  to  inform  them.  The 
special  pains  need  to  be  taken  to  inform  ourselves. 

Well,  here  is  this  giant.  We  have  given  him  fair  and  full 
speech,  but  none  too  fair  or  too  full,  for  his  sake  or  for  our 
own.  We  now  propose  to  dissect  him  ;  to  find  out,  if  we  can, 
what  he  is  made  of.  We  propose  to  study  his  anatomy,  his 
bones,  muscles,  nerves.  We  must  try  to  ascertain  how  much 
of  him  is  fiction  and  how  much  fact  ;  where  he  is  made  up  of 
a  falsehood,  where  of  half-truth,  and  where  of  whole  truth. 
It  is  to  be  hoped  that  our  giant  will  be  substantially  spoiled  by 
this  process,  or  rather,  that  he  will  be  transformed  into  a  be- 
neficent force  for  wider  and  more  wholesome  social  activity. 

What,  then,  are  some  of  the  errors,  fallacies,  untruths, 
half-truths,  which,  to  our  thinking,  underlie  all  Socialistic  in- 
dictments and  demands  ?  The  chief  occasion  of  error  on  the 
part  of  the  workingman's  advocates  has  been  that  they  have 
followed  too  blindly  the  leading  of  the  so-called  orthodox 

*  See  "  Principles  of  Social  Economy."  Yves  Guyot.  London :  W.  Swan 
Sonnenschein  &  Co.,  1884,  p.  181. 


THE  LABOR-VALUE  FALLACY.  73 

school  of  political  economy.  And  until  within  our  own  gen- 
eration the  majority  of  writers  on  economic  questions  have 
pursued  a  method  largely  unscientific.  Instead  of  inducing 
their  systems  from  the  widest  possible  examination  of  all  as- 
certained facts,  they  have  deduced  their  systems  from  assumed 
principles.  They  have  sought  to  shape  facts  hy  the  theory 
instead  of  questioning  the  facts  to  get  the  theory.  And  these 
theories,  many  of  which  have  no  foundation  in  fact,  have  been 
borrowed  and  perverted,  and  sometimes  badly  twisted,  and 
repeated  by  writers  like  Marx,  Lassalle  and  George,  until  it  is 
doubtful  if  the  authors  of  the  theories  could  recognize  them. 
Now,  it  certainly  is  not  a  wise  method  for  reaching  truth,  to 
start  with  an  assumption,  and  then  even  to  pervert  the  as- 
sumption. Yet  as  the  gross  materialism  of  the  young  Hegelian 
philosophy  has  been  the  hammer,  and  admitted  evils  in  social 
condition  the  fire  with  which  the  armorers  of  industrial  agi- 
tation have  wrought,  so  the  fallacies,  or  the  misconceived  and 
misstated  truths  of  the  older  political  economists  have  been 
the  iron  out  of  which  have  been  forged  the  arrow-heads,  the 
spears  and  swords,  which  have  been  hurled  with  fiercest  as- 
sault against  the  entire  structure  of  modern  civilization. 

Take  that  most  fundamental  assumption,  on  which  the 
entire  philosophy  of  discontent  is  based,  that  "labor  is  the 
creator  of  all  wealth  and  all  civilization."  The  argument  is 
this  :  ' '  All  wealth  is  due  to  labor,  therefore  to  the  laborer  all 
wealth  is  due."  The  assumed  premise  is  that  all  wealth  is  due 
to  labor,  that  all  wealth  is  the  creation  of  labor.  Now,  if  by 
labor  is  meant  any  sort  of  effort,  mental  or  physical,  by  whose 
forth-putting  some  want  is  satisfied,  even  then  the  proposition 
would  not  be  wholly  true.  But  this  is  not  the  assumed  defini- 
tion of  labor.  By  labor  the  workingman's  advocate  usually 
means  physical  exertion,  muscular  effort,  including  only  sucli 
necessary  mental  force  as  is  exerted  by  the  same  man  who 
makes  the  muscular  effort.  It  is  the  intelligence,  plus  the 
muscle,  of  the  one  man,  whose  brain  and  muscle  combine  in 
physical  force,  that  in  this  assumption  defines  labor.  For  this 
narrow  definition,  Adam  Smith  and  Ricardo  are  responsible. 
To  be  sure,  the  Socialist  reasoners  carry  this  definition  far 
beyond  the  intention  of  its  authors.  What  did  these  authors 
really  say  ?  Smith  said,  ' '  Labor  was  the  first  price,  the  origi- 
4 


74:  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

nal  purchase  money  which  was  paid  for  all  things."  *  That  is 
true.  He  further  said,  "In  that  early  and  rude  state  of  so- 
ciety which  precedes  the  accumulation  of  stock  and  the  appro- 
priation of  land,  the  proportion  between  the  quantities  of  labor 
necessary  for  acquiring  different  objects  seems  to  be  the  only 
circumstance  which  can  afford  any  rule  for  exchanging  them 
for  one  another. "f  Now,  mark  the  words,  "the  first  price," 
"that  early  and  rude  state  of  society."  Undoubtedly  Smith 
would  have  recognized  a  wide  distinction  between  barbarism 
and  civilization.  But  he  blundered,  as  many  economists  have, 
by  trying  to  argue  at  all  from  what  was  true  in  a  savage  and 
simple  condition  of  society  up  to  what  is  true  in  a  civilized  and 
very  complex  condition  of  society.  And  even  in  savage  con- 
ditions, where  the  first  labor  must  be  with  the  hands,  Smith's 
definition  is  inadequate.  Two  men  spend  the  day  in  hunting. 
They  are  occupied  the  same  number  of  hours,  walk  the  same 
number  of  miles,  expend  the  same  amount  of  physical  energy. 
One  kills  a  rabbit,  the  other  a  deer.  At  night  they  meet  for 
barter.  Will  they  trade  even  ?  Will  the  man  give  the  deer, 
food  for  a  week  and  clothing  too,  for  the  rabbit,  which  is 
only  food  for  a  day  and  possibly  a  pair  of  mittens  ?  Yet  the 
labor-cost  of  the  deer  and  the  labor-cost  of  the  rabbit  are  iden- 
tical. Their  value  is  far  from  identical.  Clearly,  then,  even 
in  so  simple  a  case,  labor  is  not  the  sole  creator  of  the  wealth 
represented  by  the  deer,  when  that  wealth  is  seven  times 
greater  than  the  wealth  represented  by  the  rabbit — wealth, 
created  at  the  very  same  labor-cost.  { 

Take  Bicardo.  He  said,  "Labor  is  the  foundation  of  all 
value."  ||  But  is  there  no  difference  between  the  foundation 
and  the  building  ?  Because  labor  is  foundation,  is  labor  there- 

*  "  An  Inquiry  into  the  Nature  and  Causes  of  the  Wealth  of  Nations." 
Adam  Smith.  London :  Ward,  Lock  &  Tyler,  p.  23. 

t  "  Wealth  of  Nations,"  p.  36. 

J  See  "  The  Labor-Value  Fallacy."  M.  L.  Scudder,  Jr.  Chicago :  Janscn, 
McClurg  &  Co.,  1884.  "  Elements  of  Economics."  Henry  Dunning  McLeod. 
Vol.  ii,  part  1.  New  York :  D.  Appleton  &  Co.,  1886,  p.  213. 

|  The  works  of  David  Eicardo,  edited  by  J.  E.  McCulloch.  London : 
John  Murray,  1846,  p.  10.  Eicardo's  language  is,  "  That  this — labor — is 
really  the  foundation  of  the  exchangeable  value  of  all  things,  excepting  those 
which  can  not  be  increased  by  human  industry,"  etc. 


THE   "LABOR-VALUE"  FALLACY.  75 

fore  always  superstructure  ?  And,  if  you  limit  the  meaning  of 
labor  to  mere  physical  effort,  is  labor  always  even  the  founda- 
tion of  value  ?  A  man  writes  a  book.  It  is  printed,  bound,  sold. 
It  becomes  wealth.  What  is  the  foundation  of  that  wealth  ? 
The  hand-labor  of  printer  and  binder,  or  the  brain-labor  of 
the  author  ?  If  the  printer  and  binder  make  the  wealth,  why 
is  not  the  money  value  of  a  number  of  Patent-Office  reports 
equal  to  the  money  value  of  a  corresponding  number  of  Dick- 
ens's  novels  on  which  equivalent  physical  labor  has  been  ex- 
pended ?  Everybody  knows  that  these  values  are  not  equal. 
Then  everybody  ought  to  know  that  physical  labor  alone  is 
not  even  the  foundation  of  value,  much  less  the  superstructure. 
Labor  is  not  the  sole  creator  of  value.  The  garrison  at  Fort 
Sumter  has  lowered  the  national  flag.  All  over  the  North 
men  spring  to  their  feet  with  war  in  their  eye.  Tell  them  to 
go  to  fighting.  Tell  them  there  is  iron  in  the  mines  out  of 
which  they  may  make  guns  and  bullets.  Tell  them  to  find 
guns  and  fight.  Nay,  you  do  not  do  this.  You  set  your  facto- 
ries and  your  foundries  to  work.  You  organize  transportation. 
You  form  men  into  squads,  companies,  regiments,  brigades, 
divisions,  army  corps.  You  hunt  up  and  set  in  position  your 
Thomases,  Shermans,  Sheridans,  Grants.  There  is  victory  at 
last — slavery  abolished,  Union  restored,  nationality  established. 
Who  did  it  ?  Every  man  who  fought  in  the  field  or  who 
counseled  in  the  Cabinet  helped  to  do  it.  But  if  you  tell  the 
men  who  followed  Grant  to  Appomattox,  and  who  marched 
with  slow  step  and  tear-filled  eyes  after  his  funeral  car,  that 
the  creation  of  this  splendid  wealth  of  national  supremacy 
was  the  sole  work  of  army  labor,  they  will  indignantly  repudi- 
ate your  claim  and  assert  that,  in  making  it  possible  for  the 
army  to  do  its  work,  in  organizing,  in  planning,  in  leading,  in 
creating  conditions  essential  to  success,  the  great  commander 
held  a  unique  place,  as  the  co-operant  creator,  with  the  army 
of  the  final  result,  which  wrought  for  him  a  place,  a  fame,  a 
reward  peculiarly  his  own.  Is  any  soldier  poorer  in  honor 
because  Grant  was  so  rich  in  honor  ?  * 

Labor,  physical  labor,  the  sole  creator  of  wealth  ?   No  !    In 

*  uThe  Wages  Question."    Francis  A.  Walker.    New  York  :  Henry  Holt 
&  Co.,  1876,  p.  246. 


Y6  STUDIES  IX  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

our  complex  industry,  there  are  manifold  co-ordinate  elements. 
When  you  have  poured  into  the  witch's  caldron  of  produc- 
tion material,  capital,  land,  invention,  organization,  over- 
sight, physical  labor,  and  have  stirred  them  all  up  together 
until  they  come  forth  finished  product,  who  shall  measure 
accurately  the  exact  proportion  which  each  has  contributed  to 
the  final  result  ?  *  Is  labor,  physical  labor,  to  say,  "  It  is  all 
mine  ;  here  or  back  through  the  ages,  I,  undirected,  unorgan- 
ized, spending  all,  and  saving  nothing,  I  created  all  capital, 
all  invention,  all  oversight  ;  all  wealth  is  due  to  me,  labor, 
therefore  to  me,  labor,  all  wealth  is  due  ? "  Shall  labor  say 
this  ?  Labor  has  said  this.f  But  to  make  such  a  claim  is  to 
make  a  claim  wholly  irrational,  fallacious,  unjust.  Working- 
men  ought  to  rid  themselves  of  this  fallacy.  They  ought  to 
distrust  the  men  who  make  parrot-like  reiteration  of  it.  Labor 
is  essential  to  production  ;  physical  labor  is  a  necessary,  in- 
evitable factor  in  production.  But  capital,  oversight,  inven- 
tion, all  the  work  of  head  and  heart  that  goes  to  improve 
social  conditions  and  make  them  intelligent  and  wholesome, 
have  their  share  in  creation,  and  must  have  their  full  share  in 
the  product.  The  rights  of  workmen  are  too  real  and  too  im- 
portant to  all  social  welfare  for  their  assertion  to  be  based 
upon  a  falsehood. 

Yet  upon  this  notion  that  labor  is  the  sole  creator  of  wealth, 
Karl  Marx  built  up  his  whole  theory  of  capital,  and  his  whole 
indictment  against  the  capitalist  classes,  as  the  robbers  of  the 
just  rewards  of  labor.  He  said  :  In  six  hours  the  laborer  can 
earn  all  that  he  needs  for  his  own  sustenance.  Every  hour  of 
labor  beyond  that  is  so  much  toward  the  enrichment  of  the 
master,  who  is  a  thief  for  taking  such  enrichment.  "Look," 
said  he,  ' '  at  these  homes  of  luxury,  these  carriages,  these  ma- 
chines, these  palaces  of  industry.  These  are  yours.  These  are 
the  product  of  your  unrequited  toil.  These  are  the  things  of 

*  "  The  State  in  Relation  to  Labor."  "W.  Stanley  Jevons.  London: 
Macmillan  &  Co.,  1882,  p.  91. 

t  "Labor  being  the  creator  of  all  wealth  and  civilization,  etc."  Manifesto 
of  Socialistic  Labor  Party.  Baltimore,  1883. 

"  All  wealth  is  due  to  labor:  therefore  to  the  laborer  all  wealth  is  due." 
"Socialism  made  plain."  By  II.  M.  Hyndman.  Quoted  in  "  Property  and 
Progress."  By  W.  H.  Mallock.  London  :  John  Murray,  1884,  p.  98. 


THE  RIGHTS  OF  CAPITAL.  77 

which  you  have  been  fleeced."  But  look  you,  workingmen  ! 
I  toil,  earn,  save.  With  the  saved  earnings  which  are  mine, 
I  huy  a  lot  ;  with  other  saved  earnings  I  have  a  shop  built  ; 
with  other  earnings,  or  by  my  own  labor,  I  set  up  machines. 
You  go  by,  one,  a  dozen  of  you.  You  inspect  my  shop.  You 
reason  with  yourselves.  Here  is  an  opportunity  for  us  to  earn, 
by  five  or  six  hours'  work,  what  we  could  not  so  well  earn  in 
the  way  of  food,  clothes,  shelter,  and  various  comforts,  by 
twelve  hours'  work,  in  fishing  the  stream,  or  plowing  the 
ground,  or  tramping  the  woods.  We  will  work  here  !  Yes, 
but  this  is  mine  !  You  are  not  beggars,  are  you  ?  You  do 
not  expect  me  to  give  over  to  you  the  use  of  what  is  mine  with- 
out any  compensation  for  that  use  ?  You  are  not  thieves,  are 
you  ?  You  are  not  going  to  demand  by  stealth  or  by  force 
that  I  relinquish  to  your  unremunerative  control  what  is  mine  ? 
Of  course  you  are  neither  beggars  nor  thieves,  but  self-respect- 
ing, honest  men.  You  bargain  with  me.  You  say,  for  the 
use  of  your  land,  house,  machines,  materials,  your  knowledge 
and  time  in  oversight  and  in  the  transfer  of  the  product  to  the 
consumer,  we  will  give  you  so  many  hours  of  our  work.  That 
is  a  square  bargain,  is  it  not  ?  I  may  take  advantage  of  you, 
to  be  sure.  I  may  charge  you  too  many  hours'  work  for  the 
opportunity  I  grant  you.  But  if  I  do  I  suffer  in  the  long  run, 
somehow,  either  in  purse  or  in  character.  But  the  principle 
of  an  agreement  to  get  from  you  in  labor  for  me,  some  equiva- 
lent for  what  I  grant  you  in  opportunity  for  yourselves,  is  not 
a  wrong  principle,  is  it  ?  There  is  no  robbery,  no  fleecing,  no 
exploiting  in  the  principle  ?  Well,  that  principle,  complicated 
a  thousand-fold,  is  the  principle  of  the  relation  existing  be- 
tween employer  and  employed,  and  between  what  is  techni- 
cally called  capital  and  what  is  technically  called  labor. 

As  things  are,  labor  is  not  the  sole  creator  of  wealth.  If  a 
man  is  not  a  savage,  something  besides  his  own  labor  enters 
into  the  wealth  that  is  produced  and  in  which  he  is  to  have  a 
share.  All  honest  dealing  is  giving  something  for  something, 
not  getting  something  for  nothing.  If  you  do  not  complain 
of  the  man  who  asks  you  twenty-five  cents  for  a  pound  of  but- 
ter, or  of  the  man  who  asks  you  a  fair  recompense  for  letting 
you  occupy  a  house  which  he  has  erected,  why  complain  of 
him  who  asks  profits,  or  interest,  or  rent,  or  all  combined,  as 


78  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

his  return  for  the  opportunity  he  furnishes  to  you  of  earning 
the  wages  by  which  you  live  ?  We  are  not  dealing  now  with 
the  abuses  of  this  principle.  We  are  not  asking  whether  the 
dividend  of  the  joint  product  in  profits  is  too  great,  or  the 
dividend  in  wages  too  small,  or  whether  the  workingman 
never  pays  too  much  for  the  privilege.  We  only  assert  that 
he  must  pay  something,  unless  he  be  his  own  employer  ;  that 
the  combined  product  of  capital  and  organizer  and  laborer 
is  not  the  product,  the  creation,  of  the  laborer  alone,  and 
therefore  that  this  product  does  not  belong  to  labor  alone. 
Profits  are  not  robbery.  Rent  is  not  robbery.  Interest  is  not 
robbery.  The  sum  total  of  them  all  is  not  fleecings  from  labor. 
Capital,  on  the  whole,  does  not  grow  by  such  fleecings.  The 
laborer  is  not  the  only  working  bee  in  the  social  hive  on 
whose  gathered  honey  the  employing  drones  and  their  hang- 
ers-on grow  fat,  while  the  real  honey-bee  is  shriveled  with 
starvation.  All  that  distinguishes  the  industries  and  the  toil- 
ing masses  of  Europe  and  America  from  the  barbarism  of  the 
African  Continent  exists  because  of  the  existence  of  these 
much-maligned  drones.  The  sooner  honest  workingmen  who 
do  not  ask  something  for  nothing  desert  the  fallacious  and 
misleading  and  thieving  standards  of  Proudhon  and  Marx  the 
better  it  will  be  for  them  and  for  society.  All  wealth  is  not 
the  creation  of  him  who  labors  with  his  hands,  nor  in  any 
true  sense  the  creation  of  any  sort  of  labor  standing  alone,  and 
therefore  to  him  who  labors  all  wealth  is  not  due.* 

Take  the  so-called  terrible  "iron  law  of  wages,"  formulated 
by  Ricardo,  after  Adam  Smith,  and  used  with  such  arousing 
and  vindictive  fury  by  Lassalle.  Now  Lassalle  did  not  under- 
stand Ricardo,  or  if  he  did,  he  misrepresented  his  meaning. 
Lassalle  said  :  "  According  to  Ricardo  the  average  of  wages  is 
fixed  by  the  absolute  necessaries  of  life."  Ricardo  did  say : 
"The  natural  price  of  labor  depends  on  the  price  of  food,  ne- 
cessaries and  conveniences  required  for  the  support  of  the  la- 
borer and  his  family."  "Necessaries  and  conveniences"  is 
quite  a  different  thing  from  "the  absolute  necessaries  of  life." 

*  Much  stress  needs  to  be  laid  on  this  matter.  It  is  a  fallacy  most  danger- 
ous because  most  fundamental.  Several  allusions  will  be  made  to  it  here- 
after. 


THE  "IRON  LAW"  OF  WAGES.  79 

But  Ricardo  further  said  :  "  It  is  not  to  be  understood  that  the 
natural  price  of  labor,  estimated  by  necessaries,  is  absolutely 
fixed  and  constant.  It  varies  at  the  same  time  in  the  same 
country,  and  very  naturally  differs  in  different  countries.  It 
essentially  depends  on  the  habits  and  customs  of  the  people." 
But  Lassalle  knew  no  variations,  no  exceptions.  Down  to  the 
lowest  possible  level  the  iron  law  was  continually  grinding1 
the  worker.  Such  was  his  teaching.  Now  tha>  fact  is  that 
Ricardo's  law  itself  is  no  law.*  It  is  an  assumption.  Facts  do 
not  confirm  it.  Even  Marx  confessed  that  the  Ricardian  law 
was  not  a  complete  explanation  of  the  phenomena  of  wages. 
Yet  unconscious  sophist  as  he  was,  he  continues,  after  such  a 
confession,  to  argue  as  if  the  law  were  a  complete  explanation. 
If  there  were  any  such  law,  then  those  countries  where  wages 
are  the  lowest  in  relation  to  subsistence,  ought  to  be  the  coun- 
tries where  profits  are  the  largest,  and  wealth  the  most  ac- 
cumulated. Is  this  a  fact  ?  Is  it  not  rather  the  fact  that  the 
two  richest  countries  of  the  world  are  England  and  America, 
where  workingmen  are,  on  the  whole,  of  all  other  working- 
men,  the  best  conditioned  and  the  best  remunerated  ?  f  There 
is  no  Ricardian  law  of  wages  except  under  certain  bad  condi- 
tions which  are  in  the  direct  control  of  the  workingmen  them- 
selves. The  law  as  stated  is  a  fallacy.  The  true  1  units  between 
which  wages  play  are,  on  the  one  hand,  the  most  that  the  em- 
ployer, considering  all  industrial  conditions,  can  afford  to 
give,  and  on  the  other  hand,  the  lowest  that  the  laborer,  con- 
sidering his  condition,  can  afford  to  take.}:  Lassalle's  fallacy, 
based  upon  a  partial  statement  of  the  Ricardian  fallacy,  must 

*  "  No  writer,  in  my  opinion,  is  to  a  greater  extent  responsible  for  the  fulse 
methods  which  have  denaturalized  the  treatment  of  political  economy  and 
rendered  it  a  horror  to  ordinary  readers,  than  Eicardo."  "  The  Economy  of 
Consumption."  By  Robert  Scott  Moffatt.  London:  C.  Kcgan  Paul  &  Co., 
1878,  p.  223. 

t  "  This  proposition  of  Eicardo  is  as  false  as  the  law  of  Malthus  from 
which  it  is  derived  (though  Malthus  refuted  it).  In  basing  his  theory  of 
profits  on  the  full  of  wages,  he  commits  a  manifest  error ;  for  if  his  theory 
were  true,  profits  would  rise  in  proportion  to  the  poverty  of  laborers,  and  the 
richest  manufacturers  would  bo  found  in  the  poorest  countries."  Guyot's 
"  Principles  of  Social  Economy,"  p.  174. 

J  Kac's  "  Contemporary  Socialism,"  p.  337. 


80  STUDIES  IN   MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

be  a  very  thorough  fallacy  indeed.  Yet  it  is  one  of  the  chief 
instruments  of  the  Socialist  agitator,  for  stirring  up  the  work- 
ingman's  wrath  against  the  so-called  tyranny  of  capital. 

Take  the  famous  "law  of  rent  !"  O,  the  monster  !  the 
thief  !  the  highwayman  !  Is  he  all  that,  this  rent-taker  ? 
Some  rent-takers  may  be  all  that,  because  they  are  thieves  in 
spirit,  not  because  they  are  rent-takers.  The  taking  of  rent  for 
land  is  no  more  a  robbery  than  is  the  taking  of  price  for  cloth- 
ing and  food  a  robbery.  We  can  not  argue  this  question  at 
length.  In  brief,  Ricardo's  theory  of  rent  was  a  fallacy.* 
Mill's  notion  that  agricultural  rents  are  always  rising,  while 
production  from  land  is  always  decreasing,  is  a  very  dangerous 
and  very  erroneous  notion.  The  premise  of  all  these  assump- 
tions, that  the  most  fertile  land  is  first  occupied,  then  the  less 
fertile,  is  a  premise  wholly  reversed  by  the  facts,  f  The  most 
accessible  and  available  lands  are  first  occupied.  The  most 
fertile  lands  of  the  world  are  yet  awaiting  occupancy.  I  Rent 
is  no  monopoly,  no  robbery.  This  is  not  to  say  that  some 
changes  may  not  be  expedient  in  the  system  of  land  tenure. 
That  is  a  question  open  to  discussion.  But  the  right  of  private 
property  in  land  is  not  a  question  open  to  discussion.  To  deny 
this  right  is  to  deny  the  course  of  history.  To  forbid  this  right 
would  be  robbery  by  revolution  ;  a  robbery  which  honest  peo- 
ple, when  intelligently  informed,  will  not  care  to  promote. 
The  landlord  is  not  the  monstrous  oppressor  of  both  capital 
and  labor  that  Mr.  George  accuses  him  of  being.  Landed 
capital  has  not  begun  to  rise  in  value  in  the  same  proportion 
as  have  other  forms  of  capital.  In  England,  where  land  is 
certainly  held  in  some  very  oppressive  forms,  the  gross  income 
from  landed  property  in  1878  was  £49,000,000,  while  for  the 
same  year  the  gross  income  from  industries  and  commerce 
was  £250,000,000.  Between  the  years  1849  and  1878,  the  value 

*  "  The  theory  was  based  on  the  supposition  that  the  earth  was  created 
solely  for  man's  use,  and  that  man  had  only  to  occupy  it  for  it  to  bear  him 
what  he  wanted."  Guyot's  "  Principles  of  Social  Economy,"  p.  218.  See 
criticism  of  Eicardo's  theory,  R.  S.  Moffutt,  "  Economy  of  Consumption,"  pp. 
229,  etc. 

t  The  first  statement  of  the  modern  theory  of  rent  was  made  in  a  pamphlet 
by  James  Anderson,  a  Scotch  farmer,  entitled,  "  Inquiry  into  the  Nature  of  the 
Corn  Laws."  Edinburgh,  1777.  J  "  Guyot,"  p.  219,  220. 


IMPROVED  CONDITION  OF  WORKING-CLASSES.  81 

of  the  gross  income  from  landed  property  had  increased  twen- 
ty-four per  cent,  while  for  the  same  period  the  value  of  gross 
income  from  industries  and  commerce  had  increased  two  hun- 
dred and  nine  per  cent.*  The  right  of  a  man  to  own  land  is 
as  essential  to  the  existence  and  progress  of  the  highest  civili- 
zation as  is  the  right  of  a  man  to  own  the  honest  fruits  of  his 
own  personal  toil.  To  deny  this  right  would  be  to  cut  the 
sinews  of  industry.  The  theories  of  Rousseau,  Proudhon, 
Marx,  Lassalle,  and  George  might  work  in  a  state  of  barba- 
rism, but  they  are  theories  refuted  and  rejected  by  the  verdict 
of  civilization.  The  facts  are  all  against  them.  Had  these 
men  been  more  intelligent  historians,  they  would  have  been 
wiser  philosophers.  Their  theories  are  fallacies,  built  not  even 
upon  shifting  sands,  but  upon  engulfing  quicksands. 

Or,  take  that  most  terrible  of  all  the  statements  in  the  So- 
cialists' indictment — the  statement  of  so-called  economic  fact, 
on  which  Marx  bases  his  assurance  of  successful  revolution  ; 
the  statement  on  which  George  rings  the  changes  with  fune- 
real clangor  of  reiteration  ;  the  statement  that  "the  rich  are 
growing  richer  and  fewer  and  the  poor  poorer  and  more  nu- 
merous. "  Through  the  lengthened  sweeps  of  history  the  work- 
ing of  no  such  law  is  visible.  There  is  no  such  law.  From 
the  days  of  ancient  Rome,  when  in  all  the  cities,  and  especially 
in  the  capital,  vast  masses  of  proletaires  were  gathered,  where 
poverty,  orphanage,  abandonment  of  children,  wide-spread 
misery  prevailed,  where  ten  thousand  citizens  in  the  capital 
owned  all  the  property,  where  three  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  men  were  on  the  public  lists,  where  was  massed  ab- 
ject wretchedness,  such  as  the  world  has  never  since  seen  t — 
from  those  days  until  our  own  the  progress  of  humanity  has 
been,  on  the  whole  and  in  all  civilized  lands,  the  progress  of 
the  masses  of  humanity.  We  need  not  follow  the  course  of 
history  down  through  its  long  middle  age  reaches.  If  any 
man,  who  knows  what  the  days  of  slavery  and  feudalism 
meant  for  the  slaves  and  the  churls,  wants  to  go  back  either 
to  slavery  or  feudalism,  he  is  welcome  to  go  back  if  he  can. 

*  "  Guyot,"  p.  225.    Mallock,  "  Property  and  Progress,"  p.  228. 
t  " Gesta Christi."    Charles  Loring  Brace.    New  York:  A.  C.  Armstrong 
&  Son,  1882,  pp.  96,  97. 


82  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

But  he  shall  not  take  humanity  back  with  him.  We  face  for- 
ward for  the  true  golden  age.  Take  the  last  two  hundred 
years  of  the  industrial  condition  of  England.  In  1688  the  in- 
come of  the  average  laborer  was  habitually  insufficient  to 
provide  him  with  the  necessaries  of  a  decent  living.*  The 
whole  laboring  class,  except  a  few  thousand  skilled  artisans, 
was  regarded  as  decreasing  rather  than  as  increasing  the 
wealth  of  the  country.  One  sixth  of  the  population  were  pau- 
pers. To-day  only  one  thirtieth  of  the  population  receive  poor 
law  support.  In  1688  the  average  income  of  a  workman's 
family  was  £12  12s.  To-day  the  average  income  is  £81. f 
From  that  day  to  this,  while  the  average  income  of  the  coun- 
try has  increased  only  five  tunes,  the  average  income  of  the 
working  class  has  increased  six  and  a  half  tunes.  Or  take  the 
last  one  hundred  years,  since  machinery  and  the  factory  sys- 
tem supplanted  hand  tools  and  home  labor.  It  has  been  the 
fashion  for  agitators  to  cast  a  very  poetic  glamour  over  what 
is  called  the  domestic  system.  But  what  are  the  facts  ?  The 
home  was  a  hut,  where  the  occupants  divided  their  quarters 
with  their  machines  and  their  pigs  ;  where  drunkenness,  theft, 
want,  disorder,  gross  superstition,  disease,  uncleanliness,  ren- 
dered virtue  almost  impossible.!  It  is  a  fact  that  under  this 
system  it  required  one  fourth  of  the  national  income  to  keep 
the  paupers  from  starvation.  It  is  a  fact  that  whatever  the 
invention  of  machinery  has  not  done,  the  work  of  Arkwright, 
Watt,  Hargreaves  and  Wedgewood  did  check  the  growth  of 
English  pauperism.  It  is  a  fact  that  in  the  factory  towns  pau- 
perism was,  by  the  incoming  of  the  factory,  prevented  from 
becoming  a  danger.  In  France  you  may  see  these  two  sys- 
tems side  by  side,  and  if  any  workman  prefers  the  miscalled 
freedom  of  the  home  toiler  to  the  miscalled  slavery  of  the 
factory  operative,  he  is  welcome  to  the  choice.  But  he  de- 
serves a  keeper  and  a  strait  jacket  for  making  such  a  choice. 
It  is  a  fact  that  machinery  and  collective  occupation  have  in- 

*  Macaulay's  "Hist,  of  England,"  Philadelphia,  1860,  vol.  i,  pp.  123-126. 

t  Rae's  "  Contemporary  Socialism,"  p.  328. 

I  "  Report  on  the  Factory  System  of  the  United  States."  Carroll  D. 
Wright.  Department  of  Interior,  1884,  p.  18.  Pidgeon's  "  Old  World  Ques- 
tions," etc.,  p.  133. 


IMPROVED   CONDITION   OF   WORKING-CLASSES.  83 

creased  production,  increased  wages,  increased  the  general 
weal,  and  decreased  the  average  cost  of  living.  It  is  a  fact 
that  hours  of  labor  have  been  diminished,  and  that  for  twenty 
per  cent  less  labor-time,  the  English  workman  receives  from 
fifty  to  one  hundred  per  cent  more  money-wages  than  even 
fifty  years  ago,  while  the  price  of  most  of  the  articles  that  he 
uses  has  decreased. 

Mr.  Eobert  Giffen,  President  of  the  British  Statistical  So- 
ciety, gives  us  the  following  result  of  his  careful  investiga- 
tion:  "The  return  to  capital,  and  the  return  to  what  are 
called  the  capitalist  classes,  has  increased  only  about  one  hun- 
dred per  cent,  although  capital  itself  has  increased  over  one 
hundred  and  fifty  per  cent.  At  the  same  time  the  capitalist 
classes  themselves  have  greatly  increased  in  number,  so  that 
the  amount  of  capital  possessed  among  them  per  head  has 
only  increased  fifteen  per  cent,  notwithstanding  the  great  in- 
crease in  capital  itself,  and  the  average  income  per  head  can 
hardly  have  increased  at  all.  On  the  other  hand,  as  the 
masses  of  the  nation,  taking  the  United  Kingdom  altogether, 
have  only  increased  about  thirty  per  cent  since  1843,  when 
these  income-tax  figures  began,  while  their  average  incomes 
have  increased  one  hundred  and  sixty  per  cent,  it  is  explained 
how  these  incomes  have  gained  individually  about  one  hun- 
dred per  cent,  as  against  hardly  any  increase  at  all  in  the  in- 
comes, on  the  average,  of  what  are  called  the  capitalist  classes. 
Thus  the  rich  have  become  more  numerous,  but  not  richer 
individually  ;  the  '  poor '  are,  to  some  smaller  extent,  fewer  ; 
and  those  who  remain  '  poor '  are,  individually,  twice  as  well 
off  on  the  average  as  they  were  fifty  years  ago.  The  '  poor ' 
have  thus  had  almost  all  the  benefit  of  the  great  material 
advance  of  the  last  fifty  years."  *  It  is  also  a  fact  that  Eng- 

*  "  The  Progress  of  the  Working  Classes  in  the  Last  Half  Century," 
Robert  Giffen.  New  York :  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  1885.  It  ought  to  be  con- 
ceded that  Mr.  Giffen' s  accuracy  has  been  seriously  questioned  by  such 
writers  as  Mr.  Alfred  Wallace;  the  author  of  "Class  Interests";  and  Mr. 
Thorold  Rogers.  "  Evil  as  the  condition  is  of  destitute  and  criminal  London, 
with  its  misery  and  recklessness,  it  is  not,  I  am  persuaded,  so  miserable  and 
hopeless  as  nearly  all  urban  labor  was  sixty  years  ago." — Rogers's  "  Work  and 
Wages,"  p.  555. 


84  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

lish  workmen  average  by  two  years,  and  women  by  three 
years  and  a  half,  longer  lives  than  fifty  years  ago,  showing 
improved  sanitary  conditions,  and  more  and  better  food. 

Add  to  this  that  labor  has  its  share  in  all  the  improved 
conditions  of  public  convenience.  It  enjoys  to-day,  at  very 
small  cost  to  itself,  public  blessings  and  personal  comforts, 
which  wealth,  one  hundred  years  ago,  could  not  procure  for 
itself  at  any  cost.  Never  in  human  history  has  the  laborer 
been  in  all  respects  so  well  conditioned,  as  is  the  average 
laborer  of  England  and  America  at  this  very  hour.  This  is 
not  to  say  that  his  condition  is  satisfactory,  that  it  is  what  it 
ought  to  be.  The  workingman  is  not  content.  He  ought  not 
to  be  content.  We  would  not  wish  to  have  him  content. 
There  are  many  things  that  ought  to  be  different  in  his  con- 
dition. But  he  is  not  getting  worse ;  he  is,  on  the  whole, 
getting  better.  He  ought  to  be  looking  up,  for  he  is  coming 
up.  There  is  poverty  enough.  There  are  wrongs  enough. 
There  is  human  misery  enough  in  our  civilization  to  make  the 
heart  sick,  and  to  incite  all  humane  people  to  noblest  toil 
for  the  amelioration  or  the  removal  of  this  misery.  But  it 
makes  a  great  difference  whether  we  regard  these  evils  as 
hopelessly  increasing,  or  as  hopefully  diminishing.  It  makes 
a  great  difference  whether  we  are  enabled  to  say,  that  in  spite 
of  all  drawbacks,  progress  has  been  made,  or  whether  we  must 
say  that  in  spite  of  all  advantage  only  increasing  ruin  is  pos- 
sible. "The  rich  richer  and  fewer,  and  the  poor  poorer  and 
more  numerous  ! "  Avaunt,  the  spectral  falsehood  !  The  rich 
are  growing  richer,  but  not  less  numerous.  The  middle  class 
are  not  dying  out.  The  poor  are  not  increasing  but  diminish- 
ing. Let  the  workman  look  up.  The  rich,  in  this  social 
movement,  are  indeed  advancing  faster  than  he.  But  he, 
too,  is  advancing.  Who  build  our  great  cathedrals  ?  Hand- 
workers, mostly.  Could  they  have  done  it  a  century  ago  ? 
Who  are  sending  streams  of  gold  across  the  ocean  to  aid  in 
Irish  liberation  ?  Hand-workers  mostly.  Could  they  have 
done  it  a  century  ago  ?  The  working  classes  are,  on  the 
whole,  advancing.  If  other  classes  advance  more  rapidly 
while  the  working  classes  advance  slowly,  since  these  ad- 
vance, surely,  with  grudging,  angry  whine,  they  will  not 
complain  of  the  rapid  advance  of  others,  when,  by  true  eco- 


SOCIALISM  NO  REMEDY  FOR  SOCIAL  DISEASES.          85 

nomic  law,  this  rapid  advance  is  necessary  in  order  to  make 
even  their  slow  progress  possible.  Workmen  will  advance 
more  surely,  and  those  who  labor  on  their  behalf  can  work 
more  heartily,  when  they  and  we  know,  that  though  they 
may  yet  be  lower  down  on  the  social  and  industrial  grade 
than  we  could  wish,  yet  they  are  not  being  driven  inevitably 
toward  the  bottom,  crowded  and  crushed  by  some  infernal 
law.  Rather,  they  are  coming  up,  slowly  indeed,  but  surely, 
impelled  and  aided  by  a  beneficent  and  divine  impulse. 
Honest  and  fair-minded  workmen  will  not  lay  the  blame  of 
real  evils  on  the  wrong  shoulders.  Never  thus  will  evils  be 
righted.  Capital  as  such  is  not  a  tyrant ;  nor  is  the  employ- 
ing class,  nor  competition,  nor  the  law  of  supply  and  demand. 
Neither  rent,  nor  interest,  nor  profits,  as  such,  are  fleecers  and 
oppressors  growing  fat  on  stolen  juices.  Though  men  work 
for  wages  they  are  not  wages  slaves.  Labor  is  not  the  sole 
creator  of  value.  There  is  no  iron  law  of  wages.  There  is  no 
highwayman  rent-grabber  who  lays  increasing  exaction  upon 
all  industry.  There  is  no  inevitable  evolution  backward, 
tumbling  myriads,  once  comparatively  competent,  down  into 
the  enlarging  vortex  of  poverty,  and  making  the  poor  a  more 
and  more  miserable  and  continually  enlarging  class. 

Yet  if  the  economic  principles,  and  the  so-called  economic 
fact  of  the  Socialist's  indictment  were  real  principles  and 
actual  fact,  rather  than  the  fallacies  they  are,  even  then  the 
Socialist's  method  would  be  a  totally  inadequate  method.  So- 
cialism could  neither  cure  existing  disease,  nor  set  right  any 
existing  wrong.  Why  ?  Because  it  takes  things  by  the  wrong 
handle.  It  would  begin  on  the  wrong  side.  It  would  work 
from  outside  inward,  instead  of  from  inside  outward.  It 
would  seek  to  change  character  by  changing  condition,  in- 
stead of  changing  condition  by  changing  character.  Here  is 
the  root  fallacy  of  the  Socialist's  demand.  Against  universal 
experience  he  would  make  good  condition  the  panacea  for 
moral  ills,  and  as  one  of  them  naively  expresses  it,  "thus 
make  life  an  eternal  picnic."  Not  to  dispute  now  the  inade- 
quacy of  such  a  view  of  life,  who  does  not  discover,  on  reflec- 
tion, the  folly  of  the  method  ?  If  mere  material  well-being 
is  the  source  of  happiness  and  virtue,  then  all  virtue  should 
now  be  found  in  the  better-conditioned  social  classes,  and  all 


86  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

vice  in  the  worse  conditioned.  Is  this  found  ?  Is  it  not  a 
part  of  the  Socialist's  indictment  that  the  vices  of  the  ruling 
classes  have  been  the  bane  of  society  ?  If  there  is  any  truth 
in  this  indictment,  and  there  is  some  truth  in  it,  does  it 
not  expose  the  weakness  of  the  Socialist's  logic  of  reform  ? 
His  indictment  contradicts  his  demand.  I  have  seen  men  in 
poverty,  touched  by  a  force  within  them,  rise  above  their 
conditions,  changed  from  vice  to  virtue,  from  slovenliness  to 
neatness,  from  sloth  to  industry — 

"  Plying  their  daily  task  with  busier  feet, 
Because  their  secret  souls  a  holy  strain  repeat." 

I  have  seen  men  fall  suddenly  from  riches  to  poverty,  who  were 
not  changed  by  the  changed  conditions,  but  were  the  same  lov- 
ing, noble,  faithful  men  as  before.  To  be  sure,  the  evils  of  ab- 
ject poverty  do  present  special  and  fierce  temptations.  But 
what  sphere  of  life  is  above  temptation  ?  It  is  no  easy  but  an 
always  difficult  thing  to  live  a  true  and  good  life  anywhere. 

Socialism  looks  for  universal  happiness  and  universal  mo- 
rality in  the  wrong  direction.  What  is  the  Socialist's  hope  ? 
It  is,  that  out  of  the  throes  of  revolution,  peaceable  or  vio- 
lent, giving  to  the  State  the  ownership  of  all  land  and  capital 
and  instruments  of  production,  a  new  humanity  shall  be  born 
in  which  every  man  shall  be  honest  and  truthful,  unselfish 
and  trustworthy.  The  fiery  bath  of  revolution  is  to  be  tha 
Socialist's  baptism  unto  moral  regeneration.  If  this  wholesale 
method  of  conversion  is  feasible,  it  is  surprising  that  the 
power  who  governs  the  universe  had  not  long  ago  tried  the 
experiment.  Yet  on  the  success  of  this  experiment  depends 
the  success  of  all  the  economic  and  administrative  methods  in- 
cluded in  the  Socialist's  demands.  He  needs,  he  must  have  at 
the  start,  a  perfect  humanity.  Otherwise  his  experiment  will 
repeat  the  lesson  of  all  similar  experiments.  Has  our  Socialist 
ever  asked  himself  the  question,  whether,  under  his  adminis- 
tration, the  work  of  organizing  and  supervising  the  collection 
of  materials,  the  adjustment  of  labor  to  its  tasks,  the  care  and 
repair  of  machinery  and  buildings — the  thousand  and  one  de- 
tails which  in  our  complicated  systems  of  production  and  dis- 
tribution are  performed  by  the  capitalist  and  employing 
classes — will  be  done  as  well  and  as  cheaply,  as  these  things 


SOCIALISM   A   REVERSAL  OF  HISTORY.  87 

are  now  done  by  those  whom  society  pays  in  rent  and  profit 
and  interest,  for  the  services  which  it  accepts  at  their  hands  ?  * 
Does  he  give  us  any  shadow  of  proof  or  basis  for  reasonable 
expectation  that  this  will  be  the  case  ?  Has  he  shown  us  how 
undirected  labor,  left  to  itself,  can  secure  progress  ?  Has  he 
settled  how  distribution  of  products  is  to  be  effected — how  cost 
of  product  and  cost  of  wages  are  to  be  determined,  when  the 
laws  of  competition  and  supply  and  demand  have  been  abol- 
ished ? 

Our  Socialist  reverses  the  course  of  history.  He  would  roll 
back  the  stream  of  tune.  The  world  has  already  had  Social- 
ism in  its  essence.  Original  property  was  common  property. 
But  as  civilization  grew,  it  outgrew  common  property.  The 
necessities  of  progress  demanded  individual  ownership  of  land 
and  the  instruments  of  production.  There  are  common  land- 
ownerships  existing  even  to-day,  as  the  Russian  Mir.  But  the 
Russian  peasant  is  ignorance  itself,  and  his  agricultural  meth- 
ods and  results  are,  on  the  richest  soil,  two  thousand  years 
behindhand.  Socialism  is  an  old  skin  that  progressive  nations 
long  ago  outgrew  and  threw  off.  We  talk  of  civilizing  our 
own  Indian  tribes.  What  do  we  demand  for  them  as  the  first 
step  towards  civilization  ?  Socialism  ?  They  have  it — State 
ownership  of  land  and  of  the  instruments  of  production. 
Nay  !  We  demand  for  them  land  in  severalty — personal  own- 
ership— as  necessary  to  their  uplift  from  Socialistic  barbarism. 
When  the  French  "Socialist  Review"  said,  in  1880,  "You 
may  almost  measure  the  degree  of  civilization  by  the  extent  to 
which  collective  appropriation  has  taken  place,"  it  spoke  in 
the  teeth  of  all  history  and  of  all  fact.  You*  may  rather  meas- 
ure human  industrial  progress  by  the  extent  to  which  collect- 
ive ownership  has  been  abandoned.  As  to  land,  Mr.  Maine 
affirms:  "I  believe  I  state  the  inference  suggested  by  all 
known  legal  history,  when  I  say  that  there  can  be  no  material 
advance  in  civilization,  unless  landed  property  is  held  by 
groups,  at  least  as  small  as  families." 

Our  Socialist  plants  himself  squarely  across  a  law  ordained 

*  On  the  difficulties  of  State  management  of  industry,  see  article  "  Some 
of  the  Remedies  for  Socialism,"  E.  L.  Godkin.  "  Internat.  Rev.,"  June, 
1879.  Pp.  688-690. 


88  STUDIES  IX  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

by  the  nature  of  things,  the  law  of  individualism,  the  law  that 
self-help  is  best  help,  the  law  that  produced  New  England 
men,  and  all  the  greatness  and  worth  the  world  has  ever  seen. 
Two  forces  in  their  mutual  play  must  dominate  real  human 
progress.  Each  of  these  forces  is  necessary  to  the  completeness 
of  the  other.  One  is  individualism,  the  centrifugal  force,  the 
sense  of  manhood,  self-dependence,  self -endeavor,  self-control. 
This,  become  excessive  and  absolutely  dominant,  is  the  planet 
broken  from  its  center,  rushing  from  its  orbit  into  destruction 
of  itself  and  of  other  men's  rights.  This  is  anarchy.*  The 
other  force  is  the  duty  of  social  service,  by  which  alone  a  true 
individualism  is  attained — the  centripetal  force.  This,  im- 
posing itself  violently  from  without,  is  again  a  planet  rushing 
from  its  orbit,  but  drawn  now  into  the  yawning  vortex  of  the 
central  sun.  This  is  Socialism — the  destruction  of  manhood. 
Individualism  is  a  force  ordained  by  the  nature  of  things. 
As  life  advances,  organs  differentiate,  and  species  become  dis- 
tinct. The  higher  the  type  the  more  marked  the  individual- 
ity. Barbarians  are  hardly  distinguishable  in  feature  and 
character.  Civilized  men  are  easily  distinguishable.  Yet  So- 
cialism would  reverse  this  law  of  nature,  and  by  that  most 
fateful  of  all  tyrannies,  the  tyranny  of  a  mass,  would  run  all 
these  diversities,  and  their  opportunity  for  free  play,  into  a 
single  mold.  In  the  fair  Utopia,  of  which  the  Socialist 
dreams,  "poetry  will  sing  her  songs  and  art  adorn  with  chisel 
and  pencil ! "  Nay,  history  dispels  that  dream.  The  land  of 
ancient  wealth,  of  poets,  painters,  sculptors,  philosophers,  was 
Athens,  with  her  individualism  and  her  personal  freedom, 
not  Sparta  with  the  repressive  barbarism  of  her  Socialism. 
Wealth,  power,  progress,  the  greatest  good  of  the  greatest 
number,  all  material  prosperity  and  intellectual  vigor,  are  the 
children  of  a  true  individualism.  "  The  achievements  of  law, 
literature,  science,  art,  culture,  the  deeds  of  heroes,  the  lives 
of  saints,  the  deaths  of  martyrs,"  these  are  its  fruits.  Social- 
ism is  the  negation  of  the  possibility  of  such  progress.  It  is 
the  securing  of  an  unnatural  equality  by  the  destruction  of  all 
real  freedom.  Socialism  takes  possession  of  the  man.  It  settles 

*  On  results  of  extreme  individualism,  see   article  "  Socialist,"   R.  T. 
Ely,  "  Andover  Review,"  vol.  v,  p.  162. 


NO  LIGHT  FOR  WORKMEN  FROM  SOCIALISM.  89 

everything  for  him.  It  counts  him  not  a  body,  not  a  soul, 
but  part  of  a  machine.  This  is  not  life.  This  is  not  liberty. 
This  is  not  progress.  This  is  barbarism.  "  This  is  mummifi- 
cation." But  this  is  Socialism.*  May  we  not  well  confront 
our  giant  and  bid  him  halt  before  he  wave  the  wand  of  revo- 
lution, to  sweep  away  existing  society  as  so  much  stage 
scenery,  when  he  has  no  better  substitute  than  this  to  offer 
us? 

In  this  chapter  the  conclusions  have  been  given  with  but 
little  indication  as  to  the  processes  and  proofs  by  which  they 
have  been  reached.  But  I  believe  they  will  stand  the  test  of 
honest  argument,  even  as  they  surely  agree  with  the  verdict 
of  history.  The  path  of  the  workingman's  progress  does  not 
lie  in  the  direction  of  Socialism,  ably  and  truly  as  it  may  have 
formulated  many  of  his  reasonable  complaints  and  his  legiti- 
mate demands.  The  road  whither  this  giant  leads  is  full  of 
pitfalls  of  fatal  fallacy  and  is  grim  and  frightful  with  Gorgon 
horrors  and  chimeras  dire.  If  Socialism  could  give,  as  it 
never  can,  all  the  wealth  of  circumstance  it  promises,  even 
then  it  could  not  truly  aid  progress.  Wealth  of  circumstance 
is  not  progress.  There  is  but  one  earthly  factor  in  progress — 
man.f  I  know  that  awful  truths  in  the  Socialist's  indictment 
yet  remain  unchallenged.  I  am  not  blind  to  sights  of  sorrow, 
or  deaf  to  cries  of  misery  that  greet  us  at  every  turn.  But  I 
am  sure  that  the  world  is  better  than  it  has  been.  It  is  not 
growing  worse.  There  are  no  iron  laws  of  existing  economy 
that  inevitably  crush  men  down  to  hopeless  slavery.  Dark  as 
the  world  is,  it  is  moving  upward  into  increasing  light.  We 
are  not  to  cure  the  ills  we  have  by  flying  to  others  that  we 
know  not  of.  Oh  ye  to  whom  life  has  brought  constant  labor 
and  little  gain,  look  up  !  Struggle  up  !  Ten  thousand  hands 
are  stretched  out  to  help  you.  Ten  thousand  voices  cheer  you. 

*  "  Workmen  of  spirit  regard  State  Socialism  DB  the  small-pox  of  servility. 
Those  unvaccinatcd  with  independence  take  it,  and  the  abject  have  it  badly." 
GUOP^C  Jacob  Ilolyoake,  "  Nineteenth  Century,"  June,  1879,  p.  1119. 

t  "  True  progress  must  be  the  progress  of  man.  I  say,  of  man  himself ; 
us  di.-tinct  from  the  organization,  appliances  or  embellishments  of  his  life  ;  as 
distinct,  in  short,  from  anything  which  is  properly  outside  him." — "  Uni- 
versity Sermons."  By  II.  P.  Liddon.  Boston:  E.  P.  Button  &  Co.,  1868, 
p.  44. 


90  STUDIES  IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

Within  the  limits  of  existing  social  order — with  its  capital, 
rent,  interest,  profits,  property,  which  are  not  robberies,  but 
rights  as  sacred  as  your  own,  and  needful  to  the  very  exist- 
ence of  your  own  —  righteous  changes,  and  a  true  social 
evolution,  shall  usher  in  a  brighter  day  for  toiling  mil- 
lions. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

TRUTHS  IN  SOCIALISM. 

"  We  are  members  of  one  great  body ;  we  are  all  akin  by  Nature,  who  hath 
formed  us  of  the  same  elements,  and  placed  us  here  together  for  the  same  end. 
She  hath  implanted  in  us  mutual  afiection,  and  made  us  sociable.  She  hath 
commanded  justice  and  equity.  By  her  appointment  it  is  more  wretched  to 
do  an  injury  than  to  suffer  one.  By  her  command  the  hand  must  be  ever 
ready  to  assist  our  brother." — Seneca,  Epistle  95. 

"  In  the  individual,  in  his  isolation,  the  destiny  of  humanity  is  unrealized ; 
the  old  words  are  verified,  unus  homo,  nullus  homo.'1'' — E.  Mulford. 

IN  recognizing  truth  in  Socialism,  we  do  not  recognize  So- 
cialism as  truth.  In  the  movements  of  human  thought  it  has 
often  happened  that  some  widespread  error  has  been  the  agen- 
cy for  restating,  re-emphasizing,  re-sphering  some  forgotten  or 
neglected  truth.  The  histories  of  physical  science  and  of  Chris- 
tian theology  are  full  of  illustrations  of  this  fact. 

All  great  truths  are  two-sided.  By  the  mutual,  balancing 
inter-action  of  two  opposite  forces,  the  stars  make  music  in 
their  courses,  and  human  society  advances  toward  its  goal. 
In  the  care  which  each  member  of  the  social  body  has  had 
for  itself,  it  may  be  we  have  forgotten  that  there  were  other 
members  ;  that  there  is  a  body  ;  that  while  we  are  units,  we 
are  not  units  isolated,  but  units  in  essential  relation  to  other 
units  ;  all  to  realize  their  best  personal  development  by  their 
co-operation  with  the  higher  unity.  There  are  many  mem- 
bers. This  most  of  us  understand  full  well.-  There  is  a  body. 
Do  we  understand  and  exemplify  that  as  well  ?  There  is  a 
body — one  body,  society.  This  is  the  truth  in  Socialism.  Yet 
it  is  not  a  truth  original  with  Socialism.  The  Socialist  nei- 
ther invented  nor  discovered  it  ;  though  to  him  must  be  given 
much  credit  for  re-emphasizing  it.  It  is  a  human  truth.  Phi- 


92  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

losophers  like  Seneca  recognized  and  recorded  it.  The  Hebrew 
prophets  proclaimed  it  on  the  hills  of  Palestine.  By  the  Lake 
of  Galilee,  and  in  the  streets  and  Temple  of  Jerusalem,  this 
human  truth,  this  law  for  all  men,  was  embodied,  was  taught, 
was  lived  by  Jesus  Christ.  Aided  by  the  light  which  streams 
from  His  cross,  we  are  now  to  consider  some  social  duties,  and 
some  very  unsocial  facts.  The  truth  that  the  body  is  one, 
though  the  members  are  many,  is  a  truth  that  makes  de- 
mands upon  the  personal  and  the  social  conscience,  and  pre- 
sents indictments  against  many  of  the  conditions  of  modern 
industrial  life. 

During  the  last  fifty  year.3,  and  notably  during  the  last 
decade,  a  change  has  been  coming  over  the  method  and  the 
spirit  of  political  economy.  It  is  becoming  historic  in  its 
method,  searching  the  past  and  the  present  for  facts,  out  of 
which  it  may  formulate  principles,  and  so  it  is  becoming  sci- 
entific. It  is  becoming  moral  in  its  spirit.*  Formerly  it  was 
immoral,  or  rather  unmoral,  in  its  spirit.  It  refused  to  admit 
that  morality  was  within  its  field.  Even  now,  some  of  its 
prominent  teachers  refuse  to  admit  this.  Says  a  leading 
American  writer  :  "This  idea  of  obligation  on  which  the  sci- 
ence of  morals  is  founded,  and  the  idea  of  value,  on  which  the 
science  of  economy  is  founded,  are  totally  distinct  ideas. 
There  is  one  word  that  marks  and  circumscribes  the  field  of 
morals.  That  word  is  Ought.  There  is  one  word  that  marks 
and  circumscribes  the  field  of  economy.  That  word  is  Value. 
Political  economy  does  not  aspire  to  place  its  feet  upon  the 
ponderous  imperatives  of  moral  obligation.  It  finds  a  solid 
and  adequate  footing  upon  the  expedient  and  the  useful.  As 
a  science  it  does  and  must  discuss  all  questions  upon  economi- 
cal grounds  alone.  As  a  science,  it  has  no  concern  with  ques- 
tions of  moral  right.  It  favors  honesty  because  honesty  favors 
exchange.  It  puts  the  seal  of  the  market  upon  all  the  vir- 
tues." f  God  help  us  if  our  virtues  have  no  higher  source  and 
no  nobler  seal  than  that  of  the  market !  Is  a  man  one  being 
or  two  ?  Is  the  being  who  loves,  and  hopes,  and  chooses  and 

*  See  publications  of  American  Economic  Association,  and  p.  94,   below, 
t  "  Elements  of  Political  Economy."    Arthur  Latham  Perry,  LL.  D.    New 
York :  Scribner,  Armstrong  &  Co.,  1878,  p.  47. 


POLITICAL  ECONOMY  A  MORAL  SCIENCE.  93 

prays,  a  separate  being  from  the  productive  machine  who  toils 
in  the  workshop  or  the  counting-room  ?  Is  there  any  conceiv- 
able sphere  of  human  action  where,  because  the  action  is  hu- 
man, since  it  is  an  action  chosen  to  be  done  by  a  human  will 
endowed  with  the  power  of  choice,  that  human  will  should 
not  hearken  to  a  divine  "ought"  impelling  it  to  a  righteous 
choice  ?  Can  it  be  that  the  part  of  life,  which,  as  to  time  em- 
ployed, is  for  most  men  the  largest  part,  the  part  filled  with 
play  of  forces  which  both  express  and  make  character,  shall 
be  the  one  part  of  life  which  does  not  aspire  to  place  its  feet 
upon  the  ' '  ponderous  imperatives  of  moral  obligation  ? "  No 
wonder  that  the  fruits  of  such  teaching  have  been  frauds, 
thieveries,  oppressions,  shabby  work,  vicious  lives,  awful  mis- 
eries, the  breaking  down  of  confidence  between  man  and  man. 
Says  another  :  "  Science  is  colorless  and  impersonal.  It  in- 
vestigates the  force  of  gravity,  and  finds  out  the  laws  of  that 
force,  and  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  weal  or  the  woe  of  men 
under  the  operation  of  that  law."  *  And  then  this  writer  pro- 
ceeds to  argue  that  political  economy  is  such  a  science.  If  it 
is  such  a  science,  then  it  is  a  science  unscientific  ;  for  it  excludes 
from  its  field  the  chief  factor  in  industry,  the  will  of  man.  Laws 
of  physical  nature  work  relentlessly.  Winds,  storms,  earth- 
quakes, day  and  night,  summer  and  winter,  come  and  go. 
We  can  not  hinder  or  vary  their  movements.  But  economic 
laws  are  no  such  laws.  They  move  by  human  will.  Where 
they  work  hurtfully  they  may  be  varied,  modified  and  made 
to  act  healthfully.f  Self-interest  is  an  economic  force,  neces- 
sary, divinely  implanted.  But  it  is  not  the  only  force.  De- 
stroy it,  and  you  have  destroyed  progress.  Make  it  para- 
mount, refuse  to  temper  and  modify  it  by  considerations  of 
duty  to  one's  neighbors  and  to  society,  and  you  have  inaugu- 
rated the  reign  of  universal  selfishness — the  kingdom  of  Satan 

*  "  What  Social  Classes  Owe  to  Each  Other."  William  Graham  Sumncr. 
New  York:  Harper  and  Brothers,  1883,  p.  159. 

t  "  Economists  have  failed  to  distinguish  between  laws  of  physical  and 
laws  of  social  science.  They  refuse  to  see  that  while  the  former  are  inevitable 
and  eternal,  the  latter — though  some  of  them  too,  like  that  of  '  diminishing  re- 
turns,' are  immutable — express  for  the  most  part  facts  of  human  nature,  which 
is  capable  of  modification  by  self-conscious  human  endeavor." — "  The  Indus- 
trial Involution,  etc."  Arnold  Toynbeo.  London:  Rivingtons,  1884,  p.  22. 


94:  STUDIES   IN   MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

and  not  of  Christ.  The  political  economy  that  rejects  the 
moral  from  any  true  place  in  the  science  ;  the  producers,  who 
follow  such  teachings,  and  who  ask  first,  what  are  the  rights 
of  capital  and  the  rights  of  labor,  and  never  what  are  the  du- 
ties of  capital  and  the  duties  of  labor  ;  they  who  think  that 
all  duty  is  in  a  man's  care  for  himself,  and  that  he  owes 
nothing  to  his  fellows  ;  these  all  brand  themselves  with  the 
brand  of  Cain — well  called  "The  First  Anarchist" — who, 
with  a  sneering  rejection  of  all  social  obligation,  asked,  "  Am 
I  my  brother's  keeper  ?  "  No  wonder  that  such  an  economy 
which,  with  all  its  worth,  was  marred  by  such  inhumanity 
and  immorality  has  been  called  "the  dismal  science,"  "the 
grab-all  science. " 

But  there  is  a  better  day  dawning.  Read  this  !  "We  then 
have  the  touch-stone,  by  the  aid  of  which  we  may  discover  the 
purity  of  economic  doctrines.  The  false  doctrines  are  those 
which,  when  pushed  to  their  extreme  consequences,  will  lead 
to  immorality.  The  true  doctrines  are  those  which  we  find 
absolutely  conformable  to  the  laws  of  morality.  Considered 
from  this  height,  the  study  of  this  science  becomes  one  of  the 
most  honorable  as  well  as  one  of  the  most  useful  employ- 
ments of  the  human  mind,  and  to  describe  it  by  a  definition 
worthy  of  its  noble  tendencies,  it  might  perhaps  be  called 
morality  in  its  relation  to  labor."  *  Or  this  :  "Even  less  than 
law  does  political  economy  recognize  any  absolute  proprie- 
tary rights  ;  and  in  a  higher  ethical  sense  all  our  goods  are 
but  intrusted  to  us,  as  stewards,  to  be  used  in  promoting  the 
welfare  of  our  fellow  men,  as  well  as  our  own  and  equally 
with  our  own."  f  Or  this  :  "  The  passing  revolution  in  eco- 
nomic thought  will  bring  into  the  science  the  treatment  of  the 
uses  of  wealth  as  well  as  the  accumulation,  distribution,  and 
exchange,  and  incite  discussion  upon  the  relations  of  labor 
and  capital  on  an  ethical  basis  ;  combining  with  the  old  ques- 
tion the  old  school  always  asks,  '  Will  it  pay  ? '  another  and 
higher  query,  '  Is  it  right  ? '  "  \  All  hail,  then,  to  the  new 

*  Article  "  Morality."  Andrd  Cochut.  Lalor's  u  Cyclopaedia  of  Political 
Science,"  etc.,  vol.  ii,  p.  907. 

t  Ely's  "Eecent  American  Socialism,"  p.  11. 

I  "  The  Relation  of  Political  Economy  to  the  Labor  Question."  Carroll 
D.  Wright.  Boston:  A.  Williams  &  Co.,  1882,  p.  16. 


THEORIES  OF  "THE  STATE."  95 

economy,  the  moral  science,  the  social  science,  the  science 
whose  aim  is  to  treat  of  the  production  of  individual  and  na- 
tional and  universal  weal,  rather  than  of  individual  and  com- 
mon wealth  !  This  science,  sitting  at  the  feet  of  the  Divine 
Teacher  of  Galilee,  will  recognize  as  the  chief  industrial  motive, 
not  self-interest  alone  finding  its  true  level  by  warring  with 
the  self-interest  of  other  men,  but  self-interest  transfigured, 
crowned  by  love  and  multiplied  a  thousand-fold  in  its  indus- 
trial potency  by  means  of  its  transfiguration.  This  is  the  so- 
cial economy  of  Christianity.  For  though  we  are  many  mem- 
bers, yet  we  are  one  body  and  members  one  of  another.* 

The  increase,  in  economic  thought  and  in  industrial  action, 
of  this  moral  element,  this  spirit  and  principle  of  social  law, 
of  mutual  service,  of  self-sacrifice,  of  due  regard  for  the  rights 
and  needs  of  other  men,  will  result  in  the  granting  of  enlarged 
functions  to  the  State.  By  the  State  is  meant  the  legislative, 
judicial,  executive  embodiment  of  the  will  of  organic  society, 
whether  that  society  be  a  city,  a  township,  a  commonwealth, 
or  a  nation.  The  State  is  the  social  body  in  organized  action. 
Two  opposite  views  have  been  held  as  to  the  function  of  the 
administrative  State.  One  is  called  the  "policeman  theory," 
which  is  that  the  only  duty  of  the  State  is  to  defend  persons 
and  property  against  the  aggression  of  other  persons  and  prop- 
erty ;  to  see  that  everybody  has  an  equal  right  to  do  the  best 
he  can  for  himself.  The  other  is  the  "paternal  theory,"  that 
the  State  must  provide  for  its  citizens.  Each  of  these  theories 
has  truth  in  it.  But  on  the  premises  of  the  first,  carrying  the 
notion  of  the  least  possible  government  to  extremes,  the  An- 
archist builds  his  notion  of  no  government  but  individual  self- 
government.  On  the  premises  of  the  second,  exaggerated,  in 
a  monarchical  State  the  Absolutist  builds  his  despotism,  and 
in  a  Democratic  state  the  Socialist  builds  his  notion  of  the 
State  as  a  huge  industrial  monopoly.  It  is  by  the  proper  ad- 
justment of  the  two  notions  that  the  best  individual  and  social 
progress  will  be  secured.  Certainly  to  teach  men  to  look  to 
the  State  for  support,  to  attribute  every  evil  in  personal  or 
social  life  to  the  failure  of  the  State  in  its  duty,  would  be  to 

*  Consult  article  by  Prof.  Richard  T.  Ely.  "  Johns  Hopkins  University 
Studies."  Vol.  ii.  Baltimore,  1884,  paper  iii. 


96  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

enervate  and  pauperize  the  citizen,  and  to  degrade  and  demor- 
alize industry.  This  is  what  Rome  did  with  her  free  shows 
and  her  free  bread.  This  is  what  England  did  with  her  poor 
laws.*  This  is  what  all  systems  of  Communism  have  done, 
save  where  the  existence  of  a  free  industrial  life,  side  by  side 
with  the  commune,  has  modified  the  action  of  the  commu- 
nistic principle.  True  individualism  must  jealously  watch  and 
steadfastly  resist  all  encroachment  upon  the  law  that  self-help 
is  the  best  help.f  And  yet,  as  Professor  Wagner,  of  Berlin, 
has  so  clearly  pointed  out,  the  growth  of  civilization  has  in- 
volved an  increase  both  extensively  and  intensively  of  the 
functions  of  the  administrative  State.  The  State  concerns  itself 
with  more  objects,  and  it  attends  to  these  objects  with  greater 
variety  and  fineness  of  detail.! 

With  due  regard  to  the  greatest  freedom  of  individual  ac- 
tion and  due  maintenance  of  the  supreme  value  to  social  weal 
of  the  hardness  of  intellectual  and  moral  muscle  wrought 

*  "  A  man  who  ekes  out  his  wages  with  the  public  alms  can  afford  to  work 
at  a  lower  price  than  one  who  has  only  his  own  resources  to  reckon  on.  This 
is  what  the  English  poor-rate  has  come  to.  Invented  in  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury, and  systematized  in  the  sixteenth,  it  has  made  pauperism  a  profession 
maintained  at  the  cost  of  those  who  labor.  In  attempting  to  succor  the  dis- 
tressed, the  State  has  created  distress  by  depreciating  the  price  of  labor." 
Guyot's  "Prin.  of  Soc.  Econ.,"  p.  186. 

i  "  In  giving  this  State-help,  we  make  three  conditions :  first,  the  matter 
must  be  one  of  primary  social  importance  ;  next,  it  must  be  proved  to  be  prac- 
ticable ;  thirdly,  the  State  interference  must  not  diminish  self-reliance."  Toyn- 
bee's  "Indus.  Eevol.,  etc.,"  p.  219. 

\  "  Whenever  social  aims  can  be  attained  only,  or  most  advantageously, 
through  State  action,  that  action  is  justified.  The  cases  in  which  it  can  prop- 
erly interfere  must  be  determined  separately,  on  their  own  merits,  and  in  re- 
lation to  the  stage  of  national  development.  It  ought  certainly  to  promote 
intellectual  and  aesthetic  culture.  It  ought  to  enforce  provisions  for  public 
health,  and  regulations  for  the  proper  conduct  of  production  and  transport. 
It  ought  to  protect  the  weaker  members  of  society,  especially  women,  chil- 
dren, the  aged  and  the  destitute,  at  least  in  the  absence  of  family  maintenance 
and  guardianship.  It  ought  to  secure  the  laborer  against  the  worst  conse- 
quences of  personal  injury  not  due  to  his  own  negligence ;  to  assist  through 
legal  recognition  and  supervision,  the  efforts  of  the  working-class  for  joint  no 
less  than  individual  self-help  ;  and  to  guarantee  the  safety  of  their  earnings 
when  intrusted  to  its  care." — J.  K.  Ingram.  Art.  "Polit.  Econ."  "Encycl. 
Brit.,"  9th  ed.,  vol.  xix,  p.  406  b. 


TENDENCY   TOWARD   INCREASE   OF  STATE   FUNCTIONS.     97 

through  conflict  and  self-assertion,  and  of  the  successes  that 
are  best  won  by  many  a  failure,  it  can  not  be  said  that  the  tend- 
ency of  increasing  State  function  is,  on  the  whole,  an  evil 
tendency.  Surely,  if  society  is  anything  more  than  a  mass  of 
unorganized  units,  and  true  society  is  much  more  than  this  ; 
if  we  are  a  body,  even  though  made  up  of  many  members,  it 
can  not  be  wrong  for  the  body  hi  all  best  ways  to  strive  to  pro- 
mote its  own  weal  and  to  promote  thus  the  weal  of  each  mem- 
ber by  its  own  administrative  action,  as  well  as  by  promoting 
through  such  action  the  highest  and  freest  action  of  each  sepa- 
rate member. 

When  we  come  to  the  practical  application  of  this  princi- 
ple, differences  of  opinion  will  arise.  Whether  the  State  shall 
loan  money  to  its  citizens  for  the  building  of  houses  or  the 
carrying  on  of  industrial  enterprises,  such  as  either  the  build- 
ing of  railroads  or  the  starting  of  co-operative  factories  ; 
whether  the  State  in  its  corporate  function  shall  build,  equip, 
own,  manage  railroads,  telegraphs,  steamship  lines,  or  shall 
secure  by  right  of  eminent  domain,  and  with  proper  compen- 
sation, those  that  are  already  in  operation — these  and  similar 
questions  may  possibly  be  open  to  debate  ;  *  though  in  a  de- 
mocracy the  peril  of  such  State  action  and  the  immense  diffi- 
culties of  administration  are  clearly  apparent,  f 

*  "  If  the  State  should  take  telegraphy  out  of  the  hands  of  a  '  financial  free- 
booter,' who  has  secured  good  dividends  on  stock  two  thirds  water,  and  should 
furnish  the  people  with  telegraphing  facilities  at  cost,  a  burden  would  be  lifted 
from  the  entire  public,  and  business  freedom  would  have  a  wider  range  under 
better  business  conditions.  Nobody  would  be  hurt  by  such  measures  of  gov- 
ernmental interference  or  management,  except  the  extortionist,  and  he  has  no 
more  right  to  exemption  from  the  correcting  hand  of  government  than  the  rob- 
ber or  -the  slave-monger." — "  Class  Interests,"  p.  146.  Read  the  whole  of 
Chapter  VI  in  "  Class  Interests,"  on  "  Governmental  Interference."  The 
entire  work  is  an  exceedingly  valuable  contribution  to  the  discussion  of  the 
social  question.  Also  "  Railways  and  the  Republic,"  James  F.  Hudson. 
New  York :  Harper  and  Brothers,  188G. 

t  The  railroad  controversies  of  the  past  few  months ;  the  theft  and  at- 
tempted wreck  of  the  New  York  and  New  England  Railroad  by  men  who  claim 
to  be  respectable  ;  the  fact  that  for  every  man  the  "  opportunity  to  success  in 
business  lies  through  the  grace  of  the  manager  of  a  public  highway" — are 
rapidly  taking  the  expediency  of  Stale,  ownership  of  railroads  out  of  debatable 
ground.  When  kings  become  tyrants,  downtrodden  subjects  rebel.  On  the 
5 


98  STUDIES   IN   MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

But  there  are  matters  of  existing  or  of  possible  State  action 
concerning  which  some  conclusions  may  be  ventured.  Take 
education.  The  State  claims  the  right  to  educate  its  future 
citizens.  No  one  disputes  that  right  as  to  primary  education, 
except  those  who  dispute  it  on  religious  grounds.  Now  the 
right  to  educate  at  all  involves  both  the  right  and  the  duty  of 
the  best  education.  And  the  State  ought  so  to  organize  its 
educational  system,  and  make  the  reception  of  the  benefits  of 
that  system  so  compulsory,  that  by  reason  of  the  breadth, 
thoroughness,  and  sufficient  length  of  the  training,  ignorance 
and  unskilled  labor  shall  become  impossible.  From  the  Kin- 
dergarten— where  the  mobile  fingers  shall  be  taught  such  facile 
movement  as  shall  enable  the  future  hand- workers  to  adjust 
themselves,  more  easily  than  now,  to  the  frequent  changes  in 
industrial  methods — up  to  the  technical  school  for  some,  and 
the  high-school  or  college  for  others,  the  State  ought  to  secure 
to  every  boy  and  girl  an  equal  chance,  and  to  every  young 
man  and  woman,  whose  capacities  may  warrant,  and  whose 
circumstances  permit  it,  an  equal  opportunity  of  adequate 
equipment  for  the  business  of  life.  And  this  education  ought 
to  be  broadened  in  its  scope.  It  ought  to  include  hand-train- 
ing as  well  as  mind-training.*  It  ought  to  teach  how  to  think, 
and  how  to  work,  and  how  rightly  to  live.  It  ought  to  train 
boys  in  knowledge  of  materials,  and  in  the  use  of  tools.  It 
ought  to  teach  girls  how  to  keep  house,  how  to  make  and 
mend  garments,  how  to  buy,  prepare,  cook  and  serve  food, 
and  how  to  secure  in  the  home  that  cleanliness  and  good  order 
which  cost  no  more  in  cash,  though  more  in  care,  than  filth 
and  disorder.  If  it  is  objected  that  this  would  be  a  Spartan 
and  Socialist  interference  with  parental  right  and  duty,  the 
average  parental  incompetency  to  provide  the  required  train- 
ing is  a  sufficient  answer.  The  same  objection,  if  valid 
here,  would  hold  against  any  education  by  the  State.  The 
question  involved  is  not  the  right  of  the  parent  but  the 

probable  results,  on  administrative  methods,  of  State  ownership  of  all  modes 
of  transportation,  see  K.  T.  Ely's  letter  to  Knights  of  Labor,  "  Civil  Service 
Reformer,"  Baltimore,  April,  1886,  p.  57. 

*  "  Manual  Training."  C.  H.  Ham.  New  York :  Harper  and  Brothers, 
1886. 


LEGISLATION  CONTROLLED  BY  MONOPOLIES.  99 

right  of  the  child,  and  the  duty  of  the  State  to  its  future 
citizens.* 

Take  legislation  on  industrial  matters.  And  here  we  face 
an  ugly  fact.  Until  within  a  comparatively  recent  period  this 
legislation  in  all  countries  has  been  avowedly  one-sided  and 
wholly  a  class  legislation,  f  Go  over  the  history  of  our  own 
legislation,  State  and  national.  What  has  it  been  ?  It  has 
been  the  passage  of  legislative  acts,  enabling  by  special  privi- 
lege some  people  to  take  money  out  of  other  people's  pockets, 
and  to  put  it  into  their  own.  Look  at  the  record.  Look  into 
the  faces  of  the  men  who  make  the  compact,  aggressive  lobby 
rings,  that  close  tightly  about  your  chosen  representatives. 
Who  are  these  men?  Read  a  Washington  dispatch  :  "The 
New  Jersey  members  are  mostly  here.  They  are  thoroughly 
alive  to  one  question,  and  united  about  that,  which  is  that  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  shall  not  get  into  New  York  by  way  of 
Staten  Island,  if  they  can  help  it.  They  talk  as  if  this  was 
the  main  question  now  before  the  country.  It  is  evident  that 

*  See  article  "  The  Child  and  the  State."  David  Dudley  Field.  "  The 
Forum,"  April,  1886,  pp.  105-113. 

t  "  Meanwhile  these  very  many  millionaires,  and  these  very  gigantic 
corporations,  whose  counsel  are  so  eloquent  upon  the  danger  of  over-legis- 
lation, have  climbed  to  their  high  prosperity  by  the  helping  hand  of  law 
through  legislation  specially  enacted  to  further  their  schemes.  They  never 
could  have  been  what  they  are,  but  for  special  legislation." — Eev.  Heber  New- 
ton. "  Eeport  of  Senate  Com.  on  Labor,"  vol.  ii,  pp.  563,  564.  It  ought  to 
arouse  the  indignation  of  honest  men,  to  see  how  those  who  have  hitherto  se- 
cured class  legislation  for  their  own  class  arc  suddenly  awakened  to  the  sense 
of  the  iniquity  of  class  legislation,  when  any  law  is  proposed  in  the  interest  of 
classes  whom  former  legislation  has  neglected  or  oppressed.  To  hear  these 
people  talk,  one  would  imagine  that  class  legislation  was  some  new  thing 
under  the  sun.  Let  a  bill  be  proposed  for  the  regulation  of  fines  in  factories, 
or  for  the  establishment  of  a  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  or  for  any  object  in 
which  the  welfare  of  workmen  is  involved,  and  straightway  from  the  very 
quarter  which  has  had  all  the  legislation  it  asks  for  in  its  interest,  comes  the 
cry,  "  Class  legislation !  "  Much  class  legislation  is  plainly  needed  to  cure,  on 
tlic  homoeopathic  principle,  the  disease  which  class  legislation  has  induced. 
"  Whenever  the  legislature  attempts  to  regulate  the  difference  between  mas- 
ters and  their  workmen,  its  counselors  are  always  the  masters.  When  the 
regulation  therefore  is  in  favor  of  the  workman,  it  is  always  just  and  equitable ; 
but  it  is  sometimes  otherwise  when  in  favor  of  the  masters." — Adam  Smith, 
"  Wealth  of  Nations,"  p.  126,  bk.  i,  chap,  v,  part  2. 


100  STUDIES  IN   MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

there  is  to  be  a  large  force  here  to  prevent  any  action  by  Con- 
gress giving  the  right  to  bridge  the  Kill  van  Kull."  This 
means  that  the  lobby  intend,  if  possible,  to  keep  a  monopoly 
in  the  hands  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad.  Now  this  whole 
business  of  legislation,  dictated  by  monopolist  lobbies  or  pre- 
vented by  them,  is  shameful  business.  It  is  the  sort  of  busi- 
ness that  has  furnished  Socialist  agitators  with  much  of  the 
ammunition  which  makes  Socialism  a  peril.  Until  recently 
there  has  been  no  attempt  on  the  part  of  any  American  J3tate 
at  even  a  decent  police  protection  of  the  just  rights  of  labor. 
There  is  much  to  be  done  by  the  States  and  the  nation,  both 
in  repealing  mischiefs  and  in  enacting  good. 

Few  questions  confront  modern  society,  as  represented  by 
the  State,  more  perplexing  than  the  question  as  to  how  to  deal 
with  immense  and  increasing  fortunes  and  with  huge  and 
growing  monopolies.  A  large  fortune  in  single  hands  may 
be  a  great  blessing  to  the  community.  It  may  be  a  most 
wholesome  promoter  of  industry.  A  monopoly  need  not  be, 
in  itself,  a  thing  unjust.  No  one  will  question  the  large  social 
benefit  of  the  genius  possessed  by  Raphael  or  Bacon  or  Shake- 
speare. They  were  monopolies  of  genius  conferred  by  the 
Creator,  and  money  monopolies  need  not  woi-k  in  different 
fashion.  Monopolies,  or  vast  concentrations  of  capital,  may 
be  the  only  possible  means  for  carrying  forward  great  indus- 
trial enterprises.  But  money  power,  though  in  itself  a  neces- 
sary and  a  beneficent  force,  tends,  like  all  power,  to  become 
arrogant,  selfish,  oppressive.  It  is  a  power  needing  to  be  con- 
tinually watched  and  restrained.  And  the  free  action  of  con- 
flicting self-interests  is  not  sufficient  for  the  needful  watchful- 
ness and  restraint.  The  railroad  pool  may  be,  doubtless  is, 
essential  to  best  transportation,  but  if  it  result  in  extortionate 
freights,  it  is  a  tyranny  which  the  State  must  prevent.  Vested 
interests  !  We  respect  them  so  long  as  they  respect  them- 
selves and  social  rights.  But  vested  interests  may  become 
vested  oppressions.  They  break  down  commercial  morality, 
and  set  themselves  to  oppose  and  crush  everything  that  stands 
in  their  way.  They  may  foster  wide-spread  discontent,  fur- 
nish fuel  to  incendiaries,  threaten  public  weal.  They  may 
corrupt  politics  and  bribe  legislators,  and  endanger  all  social 
and  political  safety.  Then  vested  interacts  have  become 


FINES  IN  FACTORIES.  101 

vested  nuisances  ;  and  for  the  sake  of  public  good,  which  is 
everywhere  paramount  over  private  rights,  the  State  must  so 
legislate  that  these  vested  nuisances  shall  be  restrained  or  mod- 
ified, or  if  need  be,  suppressed.*  Society  can  not  with  safety 
permit  monopolist  giants  to  tread  ordinary  men  under  their 
heel,  to  lord  it  over  all  the  industries  of  the  land,  to  hold  ir- 
responsible despotism  over  the  highways  of  the  nation's  inter- 
course and  traffic,  t  The  warning  uttered  by  Rev.  Dr.  Crosby, 
of  New  York,  is  timely  and  worthy  of  loud  and  constant  re- 
iteration :  "The  community  can  not  be  plundered  forever  ; 
combinations  of  capitalists  and  legislators  to  rob  the  poor  for 
the  benefit  of  the  rich  will  eventually  meet  with  counter-com- 
binations that  will  not  stop  with  robbery.  This  is  human 
nature,  as  well  as  history."! 

Consider  the  duty  of  the  State  in  reference  to  a  few  matters 
specially  complained  of  by  workingmen.  Take  the  way  in 
which  the  "fine"  system  is  sometimes  administered  in  the 
larger  workshops  and  factories.  Every  large  industry  must 
have  order,  organization,  discipline,  laws  and  penalties.  But 
when  $500,  $1,000,  and  more  are,  as  fines,  deducted  each  week, 
in  some  factories,  from  the  week's  wages ;  when  workmen  are 
forbidden  to  measure  their  own  work,  and  must  always  accept 
the  foreman's  measure  ;  when  fines  are  imposed  for  flaws  in 
work,  which  no  workman  can  detect  during  the  process  of 
production,  for  flaws  in  weaving  due  to  defective  spinning  or 
to  imperfect  machinery,  and  for  some  flaws  which  can  only 
be  detected  by  the  microscope  ;  when  gangs  of  incompetent, 
green  hands,  are  hired  at  current  wages,  put  to  work  without 
instruction  or  special  supervision,  and  fined  at  the  end  of  the 
week  sometimes  more  than  their  total  wages — certainly  there 

*  Simon  Sterne,  art.  "Monopolies."  Lalor's  "Cycl.  of  Political  Sci- 
ence," etc.,  pp.  890-898,  "  Class  Interests,"  chap.  v.  Art.  by  C.  C.  Nott, 
"Internat.  Rev.,"  i,  p.  370.  Art.  "  Effect  of  Monopolies  on  Value,"  A.  C. 
Bolles,  "  N.  A.  Rev.,"  117,  p.  319. 

t  "  The  coal  barons  must  not  be  permitted  to  enrich  themselves  by  com- 
pelling miners  to  starve  at  one  end  of  their  lines  and  the  operatives  to  freeze 
at  the  other."  Art.  "  Christianity  and  Wealth,"  Washington  Gladden, 
"  Cent.  Mag.,"  October,  1884,  p.  907.  See  also  "  The  Moncy-Makcrs."  New 
York:  D.  Appleton  &  Co.,  1886. 

J  Article  "  The  Dangerous  Classes',"  "  N.  A.  Review,"  vol.  136,  p.  350. 


102  STUDIES   IN   MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

is  wrong  somewhere.  When  workmen  trading  at  a  company 
store,  pay  not  only  the  average  profit  on  the  cost  of  articles, 
but  average  profit  calculated  on  ten  per  cent  added  to  the  cost, 
injustice  is  certainly  done.*  Such  wrongs  are,  it  is  hoped,  ex- 
ceptional in  the  dealings  of  employer  with  employed.  But 
they  ought  to  he  impossible  wrongs.  What  business  is  it  of 
ours  ?  It  is  our  business.  It  is  the  business  of  every  man  who 
would  promote  social  weal.  It  is  society's  business.  It  is  the 
State's  business.  Social  public  opinion  and  State  administra- 
tion have  a  right,  in  the  interest  of  private  justice  and  public 
order,  to  put  an  end  to  these  wrongs. 

Then  there  is  the  matter  of  the  employment  of  children  in 
factories.  Matters  have  been  greatly  unproved  in  England  since 
Eobert  Owen  and  the  Earl  of  Shaftesbury  began  their  labors  to 
prevent  the  "slaughter  of  the  innocents."  But  both  in  Eng- 
land and  America  there  is  room  for  large  improvement.  The 
law,  both  in  regard  to  age  and  to  the  attendance  of  the  children 
at  school,  is  frequently  violated.  In  1886  there  were  1,118,000 
wages-receivers  who  were  boys  under  sixteen  and  girls  under 
fifteen  years  of  age.  No  child  can  get  a  proper  schooling  who, 
from  ten  to  fifteen,  attends  school  only  twenty  weeks  in  each 
school  year.  No  child  can  attain  a  proper  physical  develop- 
ment who  goes  into  factory-work  at  ten  years  of  age.  Many 
parents,  urged  by  poverty,  and  some  employers  urged  by 
greed,  combine  to  evade  the  law  as  it  is.  We  are  creating, 
what  past  generations  have  created  for  England,  a  factory 
class,  a  class  that  never  ought  to  exist,  a  class  that,  in  the  not 
distant  future,  will  be  pale,  sallow,  stunted,  sickly,  physical 
and  mental  imbeciles.  This  is  what  our  system  of  children's 
labor  is  doing  for  our  future.  Public  weal  ought  to  dominate 
parental  need  and  employing  greed,  and  at  whatever  cost  of 
present  suffering  wipe  away  this  iniquity.  The  limit  of  age 
ought  to  be  raised  to  fourteen  years,  and  the  law  ought  to  be 

*  "The  Pittsburg  Leader"  of  January  24, 1886,  published  the  results  of  an 
investigation  into  the  relations  between  the  miners  and  the  "stores."  It  was 
found  that  men  were  often  paid  in  "  orders  "  ;  were  discharged  for  not  deal- 
ing at  the  "  stores  "  ;  and  that  there  was  "  an  average  of  over  sixty  per  cent 
advance  in  price  charged  by  the  company  stores  over  other  stores."  If  this 
is  not  robbery,  oppression,  outrage,  by  what  more  truthful  terms  shall  such 
high-handed  villainy  be  described  ? 


SOME  REAL  ROBBER  CLASSES.          103 

inexorably  enforced.  ' '  That  State  government  must  be  one  of 
sublime  stupidity  in  its  conception  of  its  functions  which  de- 
clines, on  the  plea  of  non-interference,  to  deal  in  due  time 
with  this  critical  problem — this  disintegration  of  the  domestic 
order,  this  play  of  silently  working  forces  which -are  daily  re- 
solving the  adverse  interests  of  industrial  life  more  and  more 
into  a  treacherous  struggle  of  factory  versus  family."  * 
Oh,  the  children  ! 

"  They  look  up  with  their  pale  and  sunken  faces, 

And  their  look  is  dread  to  see, 
For  they  mind  you  of  their  angels  in  high  places, 

With  eyes  turned  on  Deity  ! 
'  How  long,'  they  say,  '  how  long,  0  cruel  nation, 

Will  you  stand,  to  move  the  world,  on  a  child's  heart — 
Stifle  down  with  a  mailed  heel  its  palpitation, 

And  tread  onward  to  your  throne  amid  the  mart  ? 
Our  blood  splashes  upward,  0  gold-heaper, 

And  your  purple  shows  your  path  ! 
But  the  child's  sob  in  the  silence  curses  deeper 

Than  the  strong  man  in  his  wrath  ! "  f 

Consider  what  should  be  the  attitude  of  the  State  toward 
some  of  the  robbers  of  society.  We  have  already  looked  at 
monopolies  become  tyrannical.  Look  a  little  further  !  Di- 
rectorship in  a  railroad  or  other  corporation  is  in  itself  a  le- 
gitimate and  useful  occupation.  But  here  is  a  director  who 
circulates  stories  hostile  to  the  good  name  of  his  corpora- 
tion. Down  goes  the  stock,  down,  down,  down.  Some  of  this 
stock  is  the  heritage  of  widows  and  orphans,  some  of  it  the 
savings  of  the  poor.  These  small  owners  are  frightened  and 
sell,  losing  fifty  or  seventy-five  per  cent  of  their  investment. 
Mr.  Director  buys.  He  is  glad  to  relieve  the  widow  of  her 
burden.  How  anxious  Mr.  Director  was,  when  placing  the 
stock,  to  get  it  into  many  hands  1  How  anxious  he  now  is  to 

*  Art.  "  The  Employment  of  Children,"  John  F.  Crowcll,  "  Andovcr 
Rev.,"  vol.  iv,  July,  1885,  pp.  42-55. 

"  Annual  Rep.  Inspect.  Workshops  and  Factories  of  New  Jersey,"  1885. 
Art.  u  The  Child  and  the  State,"  David  Dudley  Field,  "  The  Forum,"  vol. 
i,  April,  1886,  pp.  106-113. 

t  "  The  Cry  of  the  Children,"  Mrs.  E.  B.  Browning. 


104  STUDIES  IN   MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

get  it  into  few  hands,  and  these  chiefly  his  own  !  Up  goes  the 
stock.  What  is  this  man,  judged  by  his  deed  ?  What  is  the 
highwayman  ?  What  is  the  burglar  ?  Some  of  the  vast  fort- 
unes that  now  combine  to  control  industries  and  to  dictate 
legislation  represent  this  sort  of  work.  Nothing  earned,  noth- 
ing produced  ;  but  millions  stolen  1 

Take  our  Boards  of  Trade,  and  our  Stock  and  Produce  Ex- 
changes. These  Boards  and  Exchanges  are  triumphs  of  com- 
mercial organization.  They  are  essentials  to  successful  distri- 
bution of  products.  To  belong  to  them,  to  use  them,  are,  in 
themselves,  transactions  as  legitimate  and  moral  as  transac- 
tions over  a  counter.  Speculation  of  a  certain  sort  equalizes 
prices.  But  every  business  man  knows  that  there  is  specula- 
tion and  speculation,  and  that  the  difference  between  the  two 
is  as  the  difference  between  light  and  darkness.  A  few  men 
meet,  say,  in  a  Chicago  office.  They  consult.  They  have  a 
right  to  consult.  As  the  result  of  the  consultation,  the  price 
of  wheat,  or  corn,  or  pork,  or  beef  rises.  There  is  no  economic 
reason  for  the  rise ;  no  failure  of  product,  no  increased  de 
mand.  These  men  in  Chicago  have  a  corner  in  wheat  or  corn, 
or  pork  or  beef,  that  is  all.  Or  two  men  agree,  the  one  to 
deliver  what  he  does  not  possess,  and  never  expects  to  possess, 
and  the  other  to  receive  what  he  does  not  want  and  never  in- 
tends to  receive — cotton  or  wheat  or  railroad  stock.  Each  de- 
posits in  the  hands  of  a  third  man,  a  wager,  a  "margin,"  a 
forfeit  for  the  keeping  of  the  agreement.  One  man  takes  the 
money,  less  the  broker's  commission.  Nothing  is  bought, 
nothing  sold,  except  on  paper  ;  nothing  is  produced,  no  more 
real  value  is  created,  than  is  created  by  the  throw  of  a  dice- 
box.  But  something  is  stolen.  All  values  are  disturbed.  All 
honest  trade  is  injured.  More  paper  products  are  dealt  with 
every  day  in  our  great  exchanges  than  the  combined  indus- 
tries of  the  world  can  furnish  in  real  products.*  This  is  rob- 

*  "  A  YEAR'S  SPECULATIONS. — Most  people  not  familiar  with  the  subject 
will  hardly  believe  that  the  total  transactions  on  the  four  principal  speculative 
exchanges  in  New  York  City,  last  year,  amounted  to  no  less  than  fifteen  thou- 
sand millions  of  dollars.  Yet  this  is  found  to  be  the  case.  Such  a  sum  is  al- 
most beyond  the  power  of  human  conception,  and  equals  many  times  the  value 
of  all  the  various  articles  dealt  in  that  was  in  existence  during  the  year.  Yet 
this  list  includes  only  four  classes  of  all  the  articles  dealt  in  on  the  specula- 


SPECULATIVE   GAMBLERS  IMPEACHED.  105 

bery.  The  rich  are  robbed.  The  poor  are  robbed.  This  is  to 
make  the  producer  take  the  least  possible  for  what  he  sells,  and 
the  consumer  pay  the  most  possible  for  what  he  buys.  It  is 
against  all  moral  principle  and  all  economic  law.  It  violates 
the  grand  commercial  law  of  mutual  benefit  and  service.  It 
sets  the  men  who  carry  on  these  transactions  with  a  knife 
against  the  throat  of  every  other  man.*  In  the  name  of  all 
honest  production  and  trade  whose  values  this  gambling  de- 
ranges, and  whose  tasks  it  makes  more  burdensome  ;  in  the 
name  of  the  vast  army  of  toilers,  whose  comforts  this  gam- 
bling despoils  and  from  whose  necessities  it  fleeces  ;  in  the 
name  of  society,  whose  morals  this  gambling  corrupts,  and 
whose  peace  it  seriously  threatens  ;  in  the  name  of  the  very 
gamblers  themselves,  whose  moral  standards  this  gambling 
degrades,  and  whose  moral  sense  it  paralyzes  ;  by  authority 
of  every  indisputable  economic  law  ;  by  the  Divine  Book — 
these  gamblers  are  impeached  as  robbers  of  capital,  thieves  of 
profits,  spoliators  of  wages.  Acting  not  by  the  pressure  of  any 
established  law  of  capital,  or  competition,  or  exchange,  but  in 
defiance  of  all  principle  and  for  the  sake  of  indulging  their 
love  of  chance  and  luck  and  greed — these  gamblers  are  tyrants 
of  society.  Against  them  are  summoned  the  anger  of  labor, 
the  indignation  of  trade,  the  ban  of  society,  the  penalties  of 
legislation  ;  and  upon  them,  and  upon  the  righteousness  of 
this  impeachment  is  solemnly  invoked  the  discerning  judg- 
ment of  the  just  God  ! 

Yet  another  tyrant  and  robber  comes  before  us  for  im- 
peachment. His  robberies  are  confined  to  no  class  and  to  no 
locality.  He  smites  the  rich  man's  home  and  sends  forth  his 

tive  market — stock,  grain,  petroleum  and  cotton.  Commodities,  options  and 
futures  arc  the  form  in  which  these  transactions  arc  conducted,  and  so  com- 
mon have  such  operations  become  that  scarcely  a  branch  of  trade  has  not  a 
market  where  such  dealings  can  be  carried  on." — "  Newark  Advertiser." 

*  Articles  "  Agiotage,"  and  ''  Products  on  Paper,"  Lalor's  "  Cyclopaedia 
of  Political  Science,"  etc. 

Article  "  Three  Dangers."  "Washington  Gladden,  "  Century  Maga- 
zine," August,  1884,  p.  624 ;  also  Editor's  "  Topics  for  Times,"  p.  629. 

Article  "  Making  Bread  Dear,"  Henry  D.  Lloyd,  "  North  American 
Review,"  137,  pp.  113-186.  Also  "Nineteenth  Century,"  vol.  x,  p.  582. 

"  The  Nation,"  vol.  xxiii,  p.  210. 


106  STUDIES  IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

sons  to  squander  fortunes,  to  seduce  virtue,  and  to  drivel  at 
last  in  the  mad-house.  He  enters  the  poor  man's  dwelling, 
filching  clothing  from  his  back  and  food  from  his  table,  and 
sending  often  to  the  pawnshop  the  bed  whereon  a  sick  wife  or 
puny  children  have  need  to  lie.  He  comes  to  the  workshop  and 
workmen  stagger  sullenly  to  their  tasks  ;  or  lose  wages,  and 
hinder  production  by  idleness  ;  or  waste  material  through  in- 
duced slovenliness  and  inefficiency.  He  stands  at  the  alms- 
house  and  welcomes  three  fourths  of  all  who  enter  there  as 
his  own  progeny.  He  visits  the  prison,  and  on  four  fifths 
of  the  inmates  he  fastens  the  shackles  and  turns  the  key 
as  on  his  own  subjects.  If  murder  is  done,  he  chiefly 
nerves  the  hand  that  takes  a  brother's  blood.  If  riot  makes 
ravage,  he  often  fires  the  hearts  that  work  the  ruin.  Wher- 
ever he  sways  his  scepter,  wages  waste,  and  women  weep, 
and  little  children  huddle  in  terror  or  pine  in  agony.  This 
tyrant  controls  caucuses,  carries  elections,  governs  cities.  Po- 
litical parties  are  afraid  of  him.  He  organizes  obstinate  re- 
sistance to  all  laws  which  would  restrict  the  spread  of  the 
contagion  of  his  infamies.  A  workmen's  procession  paraded 
the  streets  of  Chicago  with  a  banner  inscribed,  ' '  Our  Children 
cry  for  Bread  ! "  But  on  the  picnic-grounds  that  day  these 
workmen  contributed  $600  for  the  support  of  this  tyrant.  In 
England  each  year  the  working-class  pay  £140,000,000  to  help 
this  tyrant  along,  or  enough  in  six  years  to  cancel  the  whole 
English  debt,  or  to  build  a  house  worth  £150  for  every  family 
in  the  kingdom.*  In  America,  bread  for  a  year  costs  $505,- 
000,000,  meat  costs  $303,000,000,  shoes  cost  $196,000,000.  But 
this  tyrant  oppresses  and  taxes  the  people  of  the  nation  direct- 
ly, to  say  nothing  of  indirectly,  $900,000,000,  almost  enough 
to  furnish  bread  and  meat  and  shoes  for  the  entire  nation,  t 
The  mass  of  the  women  of  the  country  are  against  this  tyrant. 
The  moral  and  religious  sentiment  of  the  country  is  against 
him.  The  laws  are  in  part  against  him.  Every  man's  con- 
science is  against  him.  Yet  this  tyrant  unrestrained,  oppresses 
labor,  steals  wages,  deranges  industry,  weakens  productive 

*  Walker,  "  The  Wages  Question,"  p.  349. 

t  "  The  Liquor  Problem  in  all  Ages,"  by  Daniel  Dorchester,  D.  D.    New 
York :  Phillips  &  Hunt.     Diagram  XIII,  p.  648. 


DANGERS   TO   THE   STATE.  107 

force,  makes  every  one  poorer  by  the  wholesale  brigand  tax 
that  he  levies,  degrades  manhood,  soils  womanhood,  ruins 
homes,  breaks  hearts,  turns  souls  into  hell !  O  men,  business 
men,  workingmen  !  Brothers  !  Is  freedom  dead  ?  Is  con- 
science dead  ?  Is  sense  of  justice  dead  ?  Is  the  liberty-loving 
spirit  frozen  in  our  veins  ;  that  we  do  cower  and  crouch  like 
belabored  hounds  beneath  the  lash  of  this  greatest  giant 
among  the  giant  monopolies  that  oppress  us  ;  that,  by  public 
opinion  compelling  legislation,  and  compelling  its  enforce- 
ment, we  do  not  rise  up  in  the  might  of  our  manhood,  and 
chain  and  imprison  and  kill  this  monstrous  oppressor,  this 
demon  tyrant  of  the  still  and  the  grog-shop  ? 

Here  are  some  of  our  actual  tyrants  !  Here  are  the  real 
robber  classes,  the  slave-drivers,  the  exploiters.  These  are  our 
danger  !  These  are  they  whose  past  thieveries  and  whose 
present  fleecings  make  Socialism  a  peril.  These  are  to  be  con- 
fronted, fought  with,  destroyed. 

Every  man  owes  a  duty  to  himself.  But  the  man  whose 
self-interest  is  not  dominated  by  love  to  his  neighbor  ;  the  man 
who  never  finds  his  higher  self  by  standing  with  reverent  awe 
before  the  Christ  in  his  brother,  and  by  serving  that  Christ  in 
serving  his  brother  ;  the  man  who  recognizes  no  social  law, 
which  it  is  his  business  in  business  to  regard  and  obey — this 
man  declares  himself  an  outlaw.  He  is  in  society,  but  he  is 
not  of  it.  He  is  a  social  sponge,  a  parasite,  a  cancer. 

Society  that  refuses  to  conform  to  a  moral  order,  that 
knows  itself  only  as  an  aggregate  of  units  and  not  as  an  or- 
ganic life,  bound  to  conserve  the  weal  of  each  unit  and  of  the 
whole,  is  a  society  disintegrating  and  doomed. 

The  State  that  by  its  social  customs,  its  industrial  arrange- 
ment, its  habits  of  trade,  its  State  administration,  gives  license 
to  selfishness  and  fraud,  and  refuses  to  protect  the  weak  against 
the  strong  ;  the  State  that  forgets  that  all  true  economic  law  is 
moral  law — whose  violation  brings  its  own  swift  retribution — 
such  a  State  may  discern  a  fiery  hand  on  the  walls  of  its 
houses  of  legislation,  its  palaces  of  industry,  and  its  banquet- 
halls  of  pleasure,  and  may  read  :  "  Thou  art  weighed,  thou 
art  found  wanting  ;  thy  kingdom  is  taken  from  thee  and  given 
to  another,"  as  the  lesson  of  its  history  and  the  verdict  of 
God. 


108  STUDIES  IX  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

In  questions  so  complex  as  those  we  are  now  considering1, 
we  need  to  make  careful  discrimination.  When  it  is  affirmed 
that  capital,  profits,  interest,  rent,  are  not  robberies,  but  are 
economic  facts  and  social  and  personal  rights,  upon  whose  just 
maintenance  all  industrial  weal  is  dependent,  it  is  not  thereby 
denied  that  capitalists  are  sometimes  tyrannical,  profits  ex- 
cessive, interest  usurious,  and  rent  extortionate.  That  these 
wrongs  may  exist  does  not,  however,  prove  the  facts  of  capi- 
tal, etc. ,  unrighteous.  They  prove  only  that  human  nature  is 
not  always  at  its  best,  and  that  some  human  natures  are  often 
at  their  worst.  Let  us  not  be  afraid  to  accept  truth  wherever 
we  find  it.  Wisdom  learns  even  from  enemies.  Truth's  mag- 
net may  draw  materials  from  the  iron  mountain  of  error. 
Socialism  is  a  falsehood.  But  in  the  very  name  is  the  truth 
that  no  man  lives  well  who  lives  unto  himself,  since  we  are  a 
body  and  members  one  of  another.  Let  us  ask,  Is  what  claims 
to  be  a  fact,  really  a  fact,  no  matter  who  states  it  ?  Let  us  ask, 
Is  what  assumes  to  be  a  true  principle,  indeed  a  true  principle, 
no  matter  who  asserts  it  ?  Let  us  not  overlook  the  righteous- 
ness of  property  and  capital  because  they  have  been  abused, 
nor  refuse  to  regard  the  just  claims  of  labor  because  some 
agitators  have  been  illogical,  violent,  and  revolutionary.  Let 
us  decide  each  claim  upon  its  merits,  and  meet  each  issue, 
as  it  arises,  upon  the  ground  of  fairness  and  good  sense.  Let 
us  discriminate. 

Let  us  also  be  patient.  The  heritage  that  the  past  has 
transmitted  to  us  has  curses  in  it  as  well  as  blessings.  The 
spirit  of  Roman  proletaires  and  slaves,  the  serfdoms  and 
churldoms  of  the  middle  ages,  the  pauper  tendencies,  the  lazi- 
ness, incapacities,  ignorances,  vices  fostered  by  ages  of  mis- 
government,  and  handed  down  by  laws  of  descent  from  gen- 
eration to  generation — all  these  tendencies  are,  it  may  be,  in 
our  veins  ;  certainly  they  are  in  the  veins  of  great  masses  of 
mankind.  And  then,  within  a  century,  all  methods  of  busi- 
ness, and  methods  of  trade,  have  been  revolutionized.  Rush- 
ing forces  pushing  men  into  the  eager  competition  of  life, 
have  taxed  thought  and  tune  beyond  anything  ever  known  in 
history,  and  have  absorbed  men's  attention  in  care  for  them- 
selves. The  spread  of  materialistic  philosophies  has  turned 
away  contemplation  from  the  heights  of  spiritual  grandeur, 


WHAT  WE  ARE  TO  DO.  109 

and  from  the  sanctities  of  moral  law.  What  wonder  that 
there  have  been  mischiefs,  confusions,  oppressions  ?  But  now 
God's  providence  cries — "Halt!"  Think  on  your  duties  as 
well  as  on  your  rights  I  Consider,  in  the  light  of  your  duty, 
the  claims  of  other  men's  rights  !  Not  in  an  hour  will  these 
mischiefs  be  undone.  Only  by  years,  long,  long  years  of  dif- 
ficult, taxing,  often  disappointing  toil,  will  the  deep-set  marks 
of  centuries  of  misrule  and  wrong-doing  be  effaced.  We  have 
need  of  patience.  To  the  exercise  of  that  patience  we  are 
called. 

Let  us  give  ourselves  to  hopeful  service  of  our  fellow-men. 
There  is  a  social  order.  We  are  all  parts  of  it.  There  is  a 
social  law.  We  are  each  under  it.  There  is  a  social  duty. 
We  are  each  to  perform  it.  To  promote  kindliness  of  feeling 
between  man  and  man  ;  to  help  to  make  wrong  things  right, 
and  good  things  better  ;  to  promote  righteous  public  opinion, 
that  shall  compel  legislation  to  undo  mischiefs  and  to  enact, 
not  class  benefits,  but  the  largest  public  good  ;  to  purify  poli- 
tics ;  to  make  administration  wise  and  administrators  compe- 
tent and  clean  ;  to  understand  for  ourselves,  and  to  help  others 
to  understand,  the  high  moralities  of  true  economic  law  ;  to 
be  ourselves  the  noblest,  truest  souls  we  can  be  ;  to  attain  to 
that  personal  morality  which  is  the  fruit  of  loyal  love  to  Jesus 
Christ  and  of  obedience  to  His  will — these  are  the  supreme 
interests  which  claim  our  consecrated  service  in  this  great  cri- 
sis hour.  Such  service  may  be  hopeful.  Jesus  Christ  lives. 
He  marks  clearly  the  lines  along  which  His  kingdom  moves. 
No  man  may  predict  what  future  society  will  be.  But  as 
Christ  reigns,  and  as  we  do  our  duty,  future  society  will  be — 
not  a  mass  of  integers,  nor  yet  an  equality  that  has  destroyed 
freedom — but  a  body,  though  made  up  of  members,  where 
self-interest  will  be  controlled  by  love.  It  will  be  a  society 
wherein,  while  each  man  will  bear  his  own  burden,  with 
manly  self-respect  and  self-endeavor,  each  man  will,  by  per- 
sonal action  and  by  common  social  action,  bear  his  brother's 
burden  also,  and  thus  fulfill  the  law  of  Christ.  "  Each  for  all, 
and  all  for  each  " — is  the  law  of  a  true  social  order. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

CONCERNING  TRADES-UNIONS  AND  THE  KNIGHTS  OF  LABOR. 

"  The  first  essential  to  success  in  any  effort  for  the  prevention  of  disputes, 
is  the  possession  of  a  conciliatory  spirit  and  a  ready  disposition  to  consider 
the  rights  and  interests  of  both  sides." — Professor  Fawcett. 

THE  spirit  of  association  is  the  spirit  of  man.  It  is  essential 
to  civilization.  For  ages  men  have  been  uniting,  not  only  as 
families  and  as  society,  but  in  special  unions  for  worshiping  or 
feasting  together,  or  for  mutual  help  in  sickness  and  poverty, 
or  for  the  promotion  of  some  common  object  of  trade  and  in- 
dustry. The  right  of  association  was  from  the  beginning  a 
recognized  principle  of  Roman  law.  Numa  encouraged  the 
formation  of  craft-guilds.  During  the  Empire  large  numbers 
of  trade  societies  nourished  at  Rome  and  throughout  Italy, 
Gaul,  and  the  East.*  In  Greece  also,  during  the  second  and 
third  centuries  B.  C.,  there  were  numerous  bodies  of  a  similar 
sort.  The  word  guild  meant  a  drinking-bout,  at  which  money 
(geld)  was  contributed  for  some  common  object.  The  word 
was  first  used  in  connection  with  the  Shoemakers'  Union  of 
Magdeburg,  in  A.  D.  1157.  t  During  the  middle  ages  guilds 
nourished  throughout  all  Europe.  Such  trades  as  masons  and 
stonecutters  formed  a  system  of  lodges,  with  headquarters  at 
Strasbourg,  which  included  all  the  masons  and  stonecutters  of 
Germany,  France,  England,  the  Netherlands,  Spain,  Portu- 
gual,  Italy,  and  Hungary.  These  middle  age  guilds  soon  be- 
came aristocratic  institutions,  and  all  power  was  concentrated 

*  "Labor  in  Europe  and  America,"  Edward  Young,  pp.  57-60. 
t  "  The  Trade  Guilds  of  Europe."     Washington:  Government  Printing- 
Office,  1885,  p.  6. 


THE  INDUSTRIAL  REVOLUTION.  HI 

in  the  hands  of  the  masters.  Yet  these  associations  were  the 
historic  ancestry  of  modern  labor  unions.* 

It  is  to  England,  however,  and  to  the  beginnings  of  the 
modern  industrial  revolution  that  we  must  look  for  the  birth 
and  progress  of  trades-unions.  For  almost  five  centuries  it 
had  been  a  crime  in  England  for  workingmen  to  combine  to 
bring  their  labor  into  the  best  market.  "  The  motive  for  this 
restrictive  legislation  was  never  concealed.  It  was  designed 
in  order  to  increase  rents  and  profits  at  the  cost  of  wages,  "f 
Then  came  steam  and  machinery.  The  domestic  system  of 
industry  was  broken  up.  Spinning-wheels  and  hand-looms 
disappeared.  Spinning-jennies  and  power-looms  took  their 
places.  Hundreds  of  workers  were  concentrated  within  the 
same  walls.  I  "Any  attempt  on  the  part  of  workmen,"  says 
Mr.  Rogers,  "to  combine  for  the  purpose  of  selling  their  labor 
at  better  rates  was  met  with  stern  repression  ;  any  overt  act 
with  sharp  punishment.  The  English  workmen  earned  all  the 
wealth  and  bore  nearly  all  the  cost  of  the  long  Napoleonic 
wars,  on  which  the  fortunes  of  manufacturers  and  land-own- 
ers, and  the  glory  of  statesmen  and  generals,  were  founded. 
High  profits  were  extracted  from  the  labor  of  little  children, 
and  the  race  was  starved  and  stunted,  while  mill-owners, 
land-owners,  and  stock-jobbers  collected  their  millions  from 
the  wages  of  those  whose  toils  they  regulated  and  whose 
strength  they  exhausted."  |  This  sort  of  thing  could  not  last. 
The  very  conditions  which  furnished  the  opportunity  for  op- 
pression, brought  also  the  means  of  freedom.  These  hun- 
dreds of  men  and  women  could  not  be  long  associated  in  daily 
work  without  finding  out  that  association  was  needful  for  im- 
proving the  condition  of  the  workers. 

Just  when  and  how  the  movement  originated  we  do  not 
know.  But  soon  oppression  began  to  meet  with  resistance. 
To  combine  for  this  resistance  was  criminal.  To  combine  for 
advance  in  wages,  or  to  object  to  their  decrease,  was  criminal. 

*  Also  of  the  order  of  Free  and  Accepted  Masons, 
t  Rogers'*  u  Work  and  Wages,"  p.  439. 

J  Toynbee's  "Industrial  Revolution,"  etc. — Argyll's  "Reign  of  Law," 
chap.  vii. 

|  Rogers,  p.  438. 


112  STUDIES  IN  MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

But  stealthily  gi-ew  the  spirit  of  revolt.  Steadily  grew  the 
workingmen's  unions.  The  law,  the  Government,  the  em- 
ployers, the  nobility,  the  gentry,  the  press,  all  were  against 
them.  Yet  they  grew.  Strikes,  violence,  bloodshed,  incen- 
diarism, labor  riots,  destruction  of  machinery,  became  matters 
of  frequent  occurrence.  The  attention  of  the  Government 
was  aroused,  and  after  a  thorough  parliamentary  inquiry,  the 
repressive  laws  were  repealed  in  1824.  The  peaceable  combi- 
nation of  workmen  for  legitimate  ends  was  no  longer  a  crime. 
Many  hindrances  and  vexatious  oppressions  were  still  enacted 
by  legislation.  It  was  not  until  1871  that  the  final  act  of 
emancipation  was  passed  by  Parliament.  But  since  1824  the 
cause  of  English  trade-unionism  has  steadily  advanced  ;  until 
now  organizations  of  workmen  are  legal  corporations,  "  rami- 
fying through  every  county,  ensconced  in  every  town,  and 
almost  every  trade  "  in  the  kingdom,  and  are  rapidly  reaching 
a  leading  place  among  the  institutions  of  the  nation. 

In  the  United  States  the  work  of  labor  organization  has 
proceeded  with  great  rapidity,  especially  since  1860.  To-day 
almost  all  trades  have  some  form  of  union.  Some  of  these  are 
national,  others  international.  What  are  called  Central 
Unions  are  composed  of  delegates  of  various  unions  in  special 
localities.  There  are  also  trade  congresses,  representing  all 
trades  and  all  sections.  These  unions  include  only  a  portion 
of  the  working  classes.  Many  of  the  best  workmen  prefer  to 
remain  independent.  Many  of  the  incompetent  are  refused 
admission  to  the  unions.  But  the  very  fact  of  organization 
gives  to  these  unions  a  power  quite  disproportionate  to  the 
numbers  concerned.  The  fact  also  that  their  numerical 
strength  is  greatest  in  the  centers  of  industry,  while  the  ma- 
jority of  unorganized  workmen  belong  to  the  rural  districts 
and  smaller  towns,  largely  increases  the  area  of  "union"  in- 
fluence. In  Philadelphia,  in  1869,  the  Knights  of  Labor  were 
organized.  This  was  a  secret,  though,  it  is  said,  not  an  oath- 
bound  society.  Its  aim  is  broader  than  that  of  the  trades- 
unions.  It  believes  that  the  interests  of  labor  are  common  in- 
terests, and  that  the  alliance  of  one  trade  with  other  trades  is 
an  alliance  not  entangling  but  helpful.  It  admits  women  to 
membership.  It  excludes  only  lawyers,  bankers,  professional 
gamblers,  stock-jobbers,  and  those  who,  in  whole  or  in  part  or 


ORGANIZED  LABOR  A  FACT.  113 

through  any  member  of  their  family,  make  their  living  by  the 
manufacture  or  sale  of  intoxicants.  It  affiliates  with  labor 
unions,  and  makes  their  cause  its  own,  though  it  does  not  di- 
rectly control  them.  Its  National  Assembly  at  the  last  two 
sessions  "contained  delegates  whose  occupations  embraced 
medicine,  the  pulpit,  journalism,  teaching,  manufacturing, 
trading,  and  many  of  the  skilled  and  prominent  trades  and 
handicrafts."  *  It  has  assemblies  in  almost  every  State,  in  the 
Canadas,  in  England,  Scotland,  Belgium,  and  France.  The 
window-glass  workers  of  this  country,  England,  and  Belgium 
are  a  constituent  part  of  the  Order.  It  has  now  more  than 
five  thousand  local  assemblies  in  the  United  States. 

Here,  then,  is  this  vast  force  of  organized  labor,  not  indeed 
representing  all  labor,  nor  yet  attaining  the  system  and  the 
discipline  of  the  English  unions,  but  with  a  force  sufficiently 
gigantic  and  certain  to  be  with  us  for  many  years  to  come. 
What  shall  we  say  about  this  force  ?  How  shall  we  deal  with 
it  ?  Some  years  ago  I  read  Charles  Eeade's  "  Put  Yourself  in 
His  Place,"  a  novel  based  upon  English  labor  disturbances. 
A  few  years  later  I  heard  Anna  Dickinson's  lecture  on  "  Trades 
Unions."  The  novel  and  the  lecture  set  me  very  .decidedly 
against  the  working  of  the  trades-union  principle,  as  against 
a  thing  wholly  bad.  Subsequent  observation  and  reading 
have  removed  that  early  prejudice.  In  Great  Britain  public 
opinion  on  these  matters  is  far  more  intelligent  than  public 
opinion  in  America,  and  far  in  advance  of  it.  It  is  well-nigh 
impossible  for  the  average  middle-aged  American,  not  of  the 
wage-earning  class,  to  understand  what  right  these  unions 
have  to  exist.  They  are  wholly  pestilential,  he  thinks.  But 
pestilential  or  not,  here  they  are,  and  here  they  are  likely 
to  stay.  That  a  thing  "is"  does  not  necessarily  make  it 
"right."  Many  things  have  come  into  our  modern  life,  and 
doubtless  come  to  stay,  which  have  no  possible  justification 
beyond  the  fact  of  their  existence,  and  that,  of  itself,  justifies 
nothing.  But  I  claim  that  labor  organizations  do  not  belong 
to  the  category  of  things  whose  only  justification  is  in  their 
existence.  Labor  organization  has  reasons  for  existence.  It 

*  Art.  "  American  Labor  Organizations,"  Richard  J.  Ilinton,  "  N.  A. 
Rev.,"  vol.  cxl,  p.  58. 


STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

has  a  right  to  existence.  It  has  reasons  and  a  right  founded 
on  the  nature  of  man,  on  the  nature  of  labor,  on  the  condi- 
tions of  industry,  on  the  law,  not  of  force,  but  of  justice.  No 
one,  except  the  special  pleader  and  the  man  determined  not  to 
see,  can  study  the  industrial  history  of  the  world  for  the  past 
thousand  years  without  reaching  the  conclusion  that  the  or- 
ganization of  labor  was  essential  to  its  very  existence. 

What  is  the  spirit,  the  aim,  the  meaning  of  trades-unions  ? 
We  let  Mr.  Howell,  an  English  Trades  Unionist,  answer  :  "In 
their  essence  trades-unions  are  voluntary  associations  of  work- 
men for  mutual  assistance  in  securing  generally  the  most  fa- 
vorable conditions  of  labor.  This  is  their  primary  and  funda- 
mental object,  and  includes  all  efforts  to  raise  wages  or  resist 
a  reduction  of  wages  ;  to  diminish  the  hours  of  labor,  or  resist 
attempts  to  increase  the  working  hours,  and  to  regulate  all 
matters  relating  to  methods  of  employment  or  discharge  and 
mode  of  working."  *  Is  it  wrong  for  men  voluntarily  to  asso- 
ciate to  promote  their  own  interests  ;  unless  we  conclude  that 
the  promotion  of  one's  own  interest,  with  due  regard  to  other 
people's  interests,  is  itself  a  wrong  ?  Is  it  wrong  when  a  work- 
man finds  that,  single-handed,  he  is  at  immense  disadvantage 
in  getting  the  best  market  for  his  labor,  if  he  shall  join  with 
one,  ten,  a  thousand  other  workmen,  in  trying  to  get  the  best 
market  ?  Of  course  it  is  only  a  rude  way  of  speaking  when 
we  speak  of  a  labor  market.  Labor  is  not  properly  a  com- 
modity in  the  sense  in  which  wheat,  cotton,  shoes,  are  com- 
modities. Labor  differs  from  all  these  in  some  vital  particu- 
lars.! Yet  since  no  more  convenient  phrases  are  at  hand, 

*"  The  Conflict  of  Labor  and  Capital."  By  George  Howell.  London: 
Chatto  &  Windus,  1878,  p.  147. 

t  "  In  order  to  an  equal  bargain  for  commodities,  the  parties  must  have 
equal  knowledge  of  the  state  of  the  market.  This  is  not  usually  the  fact  in 
the  sale  of  labor.  For  an  equal  bargain,  both  parties  must  have  a  reserve 
price.  Labor  usually  has  no  such  price  for  which  it  can  standout;  a  pro- 
longed bargaining  over  the  sale  of  goods  does  not  convulse  the  industrial  sys- 
tem, but  a  bargain  about  the  price  of  labor  involves  the  social  condition  of  a 
whole  class.  If  two  bargainers  are  on  equal  footing  they  have  an  equal  indif- 
ference to  each  other.  But  the  laborer  usually  needs  the  employer  more  than 
the  employer  needs  the  laborer."  Condensed  from  Toynbee's  "  Industrial 
Revolution,"  etc.,  pp.  169-171. 


LABOR-UNIONS  A  BENEFIT  TO  LABOR.  H5 

rude  and  inaccurate  as  are  the  phrases,  we  may  speak  of  the 
commodity  labor  and  the  labor  market.  One  man  offering 
the  use  of  his  brain  or  his  hands,  or  both,  in  exchange  for 
wages,  is  a  retail  labor  market.  A  trade-union  is  a  wholesale 
labor  market.  The  principle  of  wholesaling  is  not  wrong. 
You  do  not  object  to  wholesale  stores,  to  stock  and  produce 
exchanges,  to  Boards  of  Trade,  to  railroad  pools  in  themselves. 
If  honest  competition  or  honest  combination  among  merchants 
and  manufacturers,  to  regulate  prices  of  goods,  is  not  of  itself 
an  iniquity  to  be  denounced,  why  must  trades-union  commit- 
tees, who  act  as  brokers  regulating  the  price  of  labor,  be  any 
more  denounced  ?  Labor  unions,  a  right  to  be  ?  Yes,  if  labor 
has  any  right  to  be.  Senator  Blair,  of  New  Hampshire,  Chair- 
man of  the  Committee  on  Education  and  Labor  of  the  United 
States  Senate,  made  this  statement  to  a  witness  :  ' '  That  is  the 
point  I  want  to  bring  out.  I  want  to  get  clearly  before  the 
country  the  position  that  the  laborer  occupies,  and  to  let  it 
appear  that,  but  for  these  labor  organizations,  which  you  tes- 
tify to  be,  and  which  I  believe  to  be,  wholly  within  the  law 
and  contemplating  nothing  but  legal  means,  the  workmen 
would  be  helpless."  * 

The  time  has  gone  by  in  England,  and  it  ought  to  go  by 
in  America,  when  trades-unionism  needs  any  apologist.  Its 
history  is  its  vindication.  It  has  won  for  workingmen  what 
ought  to  have  been  granted,  but  what,  as  things  are,  never 
would  have  been  won  without  it.f  It  has  exposed  the  eco- 
nomic fallacy  of  a  "  wages  fund."  It  has  raised  wages  with- 
out increasing  the  cost  of  production.  It  has  improved  pro- 
duction in  quality  and  increased  it  in  quantity.  It  has  con- 
tributed largely  to  secure  the  improvement  in  the  condition 


*  "Report  of  Senate  Com.  on  Labor,"  vol.  i,  p.  14. 

t  "  Employers  have  constantly  predicted  that  ruin  would  come  on  the  great 
industries  of  the  country  if  workmen  were  better  paid  and  better  treated. 
They  resisted,  and  have  resisted  up  to  the  present  day,  every  demand  which 
workmen  have  made  for  the  right  of  association,  for  the  limitation  of  children's 
and  women's  labor,  for  the  shortening  of  hours,  for  the  abolition  of  truck,  for 
the  protection  of  the  workmen's  lives  and  limbs  from  preventable  accidents, 
and  are  now  appealing  to  the  doctrine  of  liberty  of  contract,  after  having  for 
centuries  denied  the  liberty."—  Rogers's  "  Work  and  Wages,"  p.  506. 


116  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

of  the  working  classes  in  England  and  America  during  the 
last  fifty  years. 

Oh,  but  the  violence,  the  intimidation,  the  strikes,  the  ig- 
norance, the  prejudices,  the  fallacious  theories,  the  outburst  of 
passion  !  Yes  ;  but  can  not  many  of  the  same  things  be  said 
of  the  growth  of  other  institutions  which  we  regard  as  legiti- 
mate and  beneficial  ?  When  we  remember  the  history  of  the 
Christian  Church,  the  history  of  humanity,  and  by  what  ter- 
rific throes  good  evolves  itself  out  of  and  through  evil,  we 
must  not  be  too  hard  upon  workingmen.  Are  we  perfect  ?  Do 
we  commit  no  blunders  ?  Are  we  never  carried  away  by  pas- 
sion ?  Are  we  always  able  to  balance  with  perfect  accuracy 
the  conflicting  interests  of  ourselves  and  our  fellows  ?  "  Put 
yourself  in  his  place."  That  is  a  good  rule,  when  one  wants 
to  judge  honestly  and  fairly.  Remember  that  the  unusually 
prosperous  condition  of  English  labor  during  the  fifteenth 
century  was  largely  owing  to  the  influence  of  the  labor  guilds 
which  English  legislation,  during  that  century,  was  unable 
to  suppress.*  Remember  how  labor  has  been  oppressed.  Re- 
member that,  in  the  early  period  of  the  modern  industrial 
revolution,  labor  was  being  reduced  to  slavery.  Remember 
that  these  modern  labor  organizations,  made  necessary  by  bad 
conditions,  and  made  possible  by  the  very  causes  which,  un- 
hindered, made  the  conditions  bad,  were  repressed  with  pas- 
sionate violence  and  obstructed  by  malignant  watchfulness, 
so  long  as  repression  and  obstruction  were  possible.  Remem- 
ber that  a  thousand  evil  prophecies  have  been  uttered  against 
them  which  have  never  been  fulfilled.  Remember  that  not 
until  1824  could  these  unions  exist  openly,  and  that  not  until 
1871  did  they  have  a  fully  legalized  and  corporate  existence  in 
England,  while  in  this  country  they  have  never  been  adequately 
organized,  protected,  and  regulated  by  law.  Remember  that  the 
majority  of  those  who  composed  these  unions  were  men  igno- 
rant by  necessity,  suspicious  as  hunted  animals  are  suspicious, 
distrustful  of  advice  because  so  often  deceived  by  advice,  with 
many  violent  and  vicious  men  among  them.  And  then  with 
all  the  facts  in  mind  ask  yourself  whether  it  is  wonderful  that 
there  have  been  mistakes,  mischiefs,  crimes,  much  folly  in 

*  Bogers's  "  Work  and  Wages,"  p.  5G5. 


LABOR-UNIONS   A  SOCIAL  BENEFIT.  H7 

principle,  and  much  wrong  in  fact.  Is  it  not  rather  the  won- 
der that  there  have  not  been  many  more  of  these  characteris- 
tics which  arouse  our  complaints  ?  There  have  been  unwise 
restrictions,  tyrannical  regulations,  vast  aggressions,  and  hin- 
drances to  intelligent  labor  and  to  best  production.  Yes  !  But 
these  are  incidental.  Many  of  the  petty  tyrannies,  which  are 
quoted  even  now  as  characteristics  of  trades-unionism,  belong 
to  the  past.  They  have  been  outgrown.  Many  others  will  be 
outgrown.  The  workingmen,  in  spite  of  all  the  blunders  that 
have  been  made,  ought  to  be  proud  of  their  organized  history. 
I,  as  a  man,  sharing  their  common  humanity  am  proud  of 
their  history  on  their  behalf.  Notwithstanding  the  disadvan- 
tages and  the  dangers  of  these  institutions,  I  agree  with  the 
conclusion  of  Mr.  Rogers  :  "I  confess  to  having  at  one  time 
viewed  them  suspiciously  ;  but  a  long  study  of  the  history  of 
labor  has  convinced  me  that  they  are  not  only  the  best  friends 
of  the  workman,  but  the  best  agency  for  the  employer  and  the 
public,  and  that  to  the  extension  of  these  associations  political 
economists  and  statesmen  must  look  for  the  solution  of  some 
of  the  most  pressing  and  the  most  difficult  problems  of  our 
own  time.'1* 

The  general  public,  as  a  rule,  knows  these  labor  unions 
only  by  the  more  violent  and  aggressive  incidents  of  their 
history.  But  the  general  public  knows  little,  and  seems  to 
care  less,  for  the  quiet,  steady,  beneficent  influences  which 
thase  unions  are  exerting  upon  workingmen.  Assistance  in 
sickness  and  misfortune  ;  practical  sympathy  in  affliction  ;  the 
growing  sense  of  mutual  dependence,  which  begets  mutual 
affection  ;  the  influence  of  a  strict,  even  if  sometimes  an  op- 
pressive and  too  exacting  discipline,  which  trains  in  the  virtues 
of  order  and  of  obedience  to  law  ;  the  education  of  the  mind, 
and  the  enlargement  of  the  intelligence,  by  the  struggle  to- 
ward organization,  by  the  discussion  of  economic  facts  and 
principles,  and  by  the  diffusion  of  industrial  information — 

*  "  Work  and  Wages,"  p.  528.  "  Mr.  F.  A.  Lange,  the  historian  of  ma- 
terialism, who  wrote  on  labor  questions  with  a  strong  socialist  leaning,  said 
to  Brentano  that  his  account  of  English  trades-unions  had  entirely  convcrtc-d 
him  from  a  V*lief  that  a  socialistic  experiment  was  necessary." — "  Tnidc.s- 
UnionLsm  in  England,"  art.  vii,  "  The  Providence  Journal,"  March  11,  1886. 


118  STUDIES  IX  MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

these  things  have  characterized  the  history  of  labor  unions, 
and  will  characterize  them  more  in  the  future.  "  I  believe," 
said  Mr.  Thornton,  speaking  of  English  unions,  "I  believe 
that  while  hitherto,  protection  against  material  evil,  and 
acquisition  of  material  good,  have  been  their  chief  care, 
higher  objects  are  beginning  to  claim  their  attention,  and 
intellectual  and  moral  improvement  are  coming  in  for  a  share 
of  solicitude."  Mr.  Thornton  also  tells  us  that  in  the  lodges 
of  London  bricklayers,  drunkenness  and  swearing  are  ex- 
prassly  interdicted,  and  under  the  auspices  of  the  Amalga- 
mated Carpenters,  industrial  schools  are  being  established. 
"These, "he  says,  "are  straws  on  the  surface,  showing  how 
the  current  of  unionist  opinion  is  flowing."  * 

Take,  in  illustration  of  the  aims  and  methods  of  labor 
unions,  the  wide-spread  organization  known  as  the  "Knights  of 
Labor.  As  has  been  said,  this  body,  though  now  international, 
is  of  American  origin.  The  first  article  of  its  preamble  tells 
us  that  it  aims  "to  bring  within  the  folds  of  organization 
every  department  of  productive  industry,  making  knowledge 
a  standpoint  for  action,  and  industrial  and  moral  worth,  not 
Avealth,  the  standard  of  individual  and  national  greatness." 
One  could  certainly  forgive  more  errors  in  principle,  and  more 
blunders  in  action,  than  there  is  need  to  forgive,  for  the  sake 
of  this  crystal  foundation-stone,  enunciating  clearly  a  princi- 
ple so  true,  so  noble,  so  Christian,  so  akin  to  the  spirit  of  Him 
who  said  :  "For  a  man's  life  consisteth  not  in  the  abundance 
of  the  things  which  he  possesseth."  I  have  studied  carefully 
the  declaration  of  principles  issued  by  these  Knights  of  Labor, 
and  the  constitution  by  which  they  are  governed.  They  spend 
time  in  every  session  of  their  local  assemblies  in  the  discussion 
of  economic  problems.  Whenever  the  discussion  arouses  bad 
temper,  the  presiding  officer  is  obliged  to  dissolve  the  assem- 
bly. It  is  hoped  that  they  study  good  masters  in  economics  ; 
that  they  do  not  accept  without  searching  inquiry  many  so- 
called  economic  facts  which  make  up  much  of  their  current 
literature,  and  that  their  example  as  to  economic  studies,  and 
good  temper  in  economic  discipline,  will  be  largely  imitated 

*  "  On  Labor."  By  William  Thomas  Thornton.  London  :  Macmillan  & 
Co.,  1870,  p.  356. 


PRINCIPLES   OF   THE   KNIGHTS   OF  LABOR.  119 

by  the  general  public.  From  a  few  of  their  principles  I  am 
obliged  to  dissent.  I  do  not  believe  in  what  are  known  as 
"Greenback  "or  "  Fiat  Money  "  theories  of  national  finance. 

These  men  and  women  ask  that  bureaus  of  labor  statistics 
be  established.  They  seek  by  their  own  action  the  establish- 
ment of  co-operative  institutions,  productive  and  distributive. 
They  ask  for  the  reservation  of  public  lands  for  actual  settlers, 
with  not  another  acre  for  railroads  and  speculators.  They 
seek  the  abrogation  of  all  laws  that  do  not  bear  equally  upon 
capital  and  labor ;  and  for  removal  of  unjust  technicalities 
and  delays  and  discriminations  in  the  administration  of  jus- 
tice ;  *  and  for  the  adoption  of  measures  for  the  health  and 
safety  of  workmen.  They  ask  for  weekly  pay  of  wages  in 
lawful  money,  and  not  in  truck  or  orders  or  promises  ;  and 
for  first  liens  on  their  own  work  for  their  full  wages.  They 
ask  for  the  abolition  of  the  system  of  prison  contracts  and  of 
contracts  on  national,  State,  and  municipal  work.  They  ask 
for  the  prohibition  in  mines,  workshops,  and  factories,  of  the 
labor  of  all  children  under  fourteen  years  of  age.  They  ask 
for  both  sexes  equal  pay  for  equal  work,  and  the  reduction  of 
hours  of  labor,  f  Who  can  rightly  gainsay  the  fact  that  these 
demands  are  founded  on  private  and  social  justice  and  on  eco- 
nomic common  sense  ?  And  when  these  workingmen  further 
and  chiefly  ask  that  to  the  toilers  may  be  secured  a  proper 
share  of  the  wealth  they  help  to  create,  \  certainly  few  honest 

*  "  Help,  master,  help !  Here's  a  fish  hangs  in  the  net,  like  a  poor  man's 
rights  in  the  law  ;  'twill  hardly  come  out."  Shakespeare,  "Pericles,"  Act  ii, 
scene  i. 

t  Paraphrased  from  Constitution  of  the  General  Assembly,  etc.,  of  the 
Order  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  of  America.  Preamble,  pp.  2-4.  See  also,  Re- 
port of  Senate  Committee  on  Labor,  vol.  i,  p.  2. 

Article,  "  Shall  the  Eight-Hour  System  bo  Adopted?"  George  Gunton, 
"  The  Forum,"  vol.  i,  April,  1886,  pp.  136-148. 

t  The  phrase  "  help  to  create"  is  not  the  one  the  workingman  uses.  Ho 
says  "  create."  Herein  is  a  fallacy.  Mr.  Rogers  has  not  escaped  it,  when  ho 
speaks  of  workingmen  as  earning  all  English  wealth.  A  witness  before  the 
Senate  Committee  on  Labor  did  not  escape  it,  when  he  said  that  the  workmen 
who  created  the  wealth  received  little,  while  the  idler  secured  almost  all.  Or- 
dinary labor-discussions  do  not  escape  this  fallacy.  Technical  "  labor  "  is  not 
the  sole  creator  of  wealth.  It  is  the  workman's  claim  to  a  more  just  share  of 


120  STUDIES   IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

and  fair-minded  people  will  be  found  who  will  fail  to  discern 
the  strict  justice  of  this  claim,  or  will  withhold  their  own  ur- 
gent insistence  that  a  demand  so  reasonable  shall  meet  with 
equally  reasonable  regard  and  compliance. 

But  here  comes  an  objector  who  tells  us  of  intimidation,  of 
refusals  to  work  with  non-union  men,  of  actual  outrage  and 
violence.  He  will  point  us  to  Chinese  massacres,  to  St.  Louis 
street-car  dynamiters,  to  Hocking  Valley  and  Pine  Run  riot- 
ers. But  corporations  themselves  have  sometimes  fomented 
violence.*  And  then,  alas!  not  all  the  virtues  are  found  in 
every  workman.  Some  are  ignorant,  some  are  vicious,  some 
are  brutal.  The  Chinese  massacres  were  a  blot  on  civilization 
and  a  lasting  shame,  for  the  lack  of  fairness  and  manliness,  to 
all  who  participated  in  or  encouraged  them.  But  these  out- 
breaks are  not  the  genuine  spirit  of  organized  labor  ;  they  are 
a  total  contradiction  of  that  spirit.  The  Knights  of  Labor 
reprobated  the  action  of  the  members  of  their  order  in  St.  Louis. 
They  withdrew  from  the  California  Convention  that  had  re- 
solved on  the  banishment  of  the  Chinese,  f  It  is  not  fair  to 
judge  the  cause  of  labor  by  the  excesses  of  some  of  its  advo- 
cates, any  more  than  it  is  fair  to  judge  that  capitalists  are  op- 
pressors and  robbers,  because  some  capitalists  are  tyrants  and 
thieves.  Violence  and  oppression  are  to  be  condemned  on 
their  own  demerits.  And  the  true  spirit  of  labor  condemns 
them. 

Mr.  Ho  well,  a  chief  official  of  English  trades-unions,  may 
well  speak  for  his  cause  in  words  to  which  every  workman  ought 
to  give  good  heed,  as  to  a  guide  to  his  own  temper  and  con- 
duct, and  to  which  every  employer  ought  to  give  fair  hearing, 
as  to  an  official  expression  of  the  spirit  of  organized  labor. 
Says  Mr.  Howell :  "That  some  of  the  aims  of  trades-unions,  in 
days  gone  by,  were  fully  entitled  to  be  called  '  in  restraint  of 

the  total  product,  to  whose  value  his  labor  has  so  largely  contributed,  that  is 
here  indorsed.  See  above,  chapter  vi,  pp.  73-78. 

*  Violence  on  the  part  of  workmen  or  "looters"  is  sometimes  incited 
in  the  interest  of  stock-jobbing.  See  article,  "  Camden  and  Amboy  Trans- 
portation Company,"  "North  American  Review,"  1867. 

t  They  believe  that  the  Chinese  coolies  "  must  go,"  and  that  no  more  ou^'ht 
to  come  "  under  contract."  But  the  clear  heads  and  honest  hearts  among 
them  do  not  believe  in  violence. 


TRUE   LABOR-UNIONISM   NOT   TYRANNY. 

trade, '  can  not  be  denied  ;  that  there  is  a  remnant  of  the  old 
spirit  left  in  some  unions  can  not  be  gainsaid  ;  but  in  general 
the  description  does  not  now  apply."  "  Those  who  denounce 
injustice  in  others  must  be  careful  not  to  incur  a  like  con- 
demnation by  their  own  departure  from  the  principles  of 
equity."  "Workmen  must  learn  this  salutary  lesson,  that  no 
man  has  a  right  to  interfere  with  the  freedom  of  another. 
The  man  who  attempts  to  do  so  commits  a  blunder  greater 
than  he  can  estimate,  as  well  as  violates  a  law  which  it  is  to 
the  interest  and  duty  of  all  to  observe."  "Personal  inter- 
ference with  non-union  workmen,  by  threats,  obstructions,  or 
by  any  other  coercive  means,  is  manifestly  unlawful  and  un- 
justifiable. ...  It  is  contrary  alike  to  common  sense  and  to 
sound  policy.  ...  It  becomes  an  intolerable  piece  of  tyranny 
in  those  who  clamor  for  just  and  equal  law."  "The  refusal  to 
work  with  a  non-unionist  workman  is  one  of  the  rocks  of 
trades-unions  ;  the  practice  can  not  be  defended,  either  on  so- 
cial or  political  grounds,  and  the  sooner  it  is  altogether  aban- 
doned the  better."  "  The  more  complete  and  compact  the  or- 
ganization of  labor,  the  more  effectual  is  its  discipline  .  .  . 
and  the  more  will  it  exert  an  influence  over  the  wildest  and 
most  violent  of  its  members,  and  repress,  with  an  authority  they 
can  not  resist,  any  tendency  toward  lawlessness  and  revolt."* 
Our  objector  will  tell  us  of  strikes.  Strikes  are  declarations 
of  economic  war,  sometimes  foolish,  sometimes  criminal,  al- 
ways costly,  but  not  always  inexpedient  or  unjust.  Strikes 
are  economic  war.  They  are  a  special  application  of  the  law 
of  supply  and  demand.  They  are  monopolies,  corners  in  the 
wholesale  labor  market.  Yet  they  may  sometimes  be  neces- 
sary. But  well-organized  labor  has  doubtless  prevented  more 
strikes  than  it  has  caused.  Workmen  are  coming  to  know  the 
economic  limits  of  their  power.  The  best  trades-unions  depre- 
cate strikes.  The  Knights  of  Labor  deprecate  them.  Says 
Mr.  Powderly,  the  Master  Workman  :  "A  strike  is  the  weapon 
of  force,  and  '  who  overcomes  by  force  hath  overcome  but  half 
his  foe.'  I  fail  to  see  any  lasting  good  in  strikes."! 

*  George  Howell,  "  Conflicts  of  Labor  and  Capital,"  pp.  320,  321,  341,  349, 
366,  etc. 

t "  N.  A.  Rev.,"  vol.  135,  p.  123. — Concerning  the  great  .strikes  on  Western 
6 


122  STUDIES  IN  MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

Our  objector  will  tell  us  of  the  "  boycott."  Yes,  "  the  boy- 
cott "  is  here,  the  latest  form  of  strike,  the  most  terrible  weap- 
on of  social  warfare  within  the  limits  of  law,  if,  indeed,  it  is 
always  within  the  limits  of  law.  I  do  not  believe  in  the  boy- 
cott. I  can  not  find  for  it  even  the  justification  of  necessity. 
It  violates  a  recognized  principle  of  all  warfare,  the  neutrality 
of  non-combatants.  It  compels  an  entire  community  to  par- 
ticipate in  a  conflict  to  which  they  are  not  parties.  To  fol- 
low boycotted  goods  for  a  thousand  miles,  and  say  to  men,  you 
shall  not  buy  these  at  your  peril,  is  unlawful  interference  with 
the  freedom  of  trade.  It  is  paralysis  of  industry.  It  is  putting 
the  grindstone  against  the  wrong  noses.  It  is  a  social  terror. 
It  tends  to  alienate  and  to  blind  to  real  grievance  that  moral 
public  opinion  which  labor  needs  if  it  would  peacefully  secure 
its  legitimate  claims.* 

and  Southwestern  railroads,  Mr.  Powderly  says:  "If  many  of  the  men  who 
are  striking  would  display  a  little  more  common  sense  and  use  a  little  more 
patience,  they  would  get  all  they  are  striking  for  and  save  their  time  and 
money  in  the  bargain.  If  they  would  exercise  proper  moderation  in  their  nego- 
tiations with  employers  and  submit  their  claims,  firmly  made  and  properly 
represented,  to  arbitration,  I  am  free  to  say  that  I  am  sure  that  nine  out  often 
cases  which  end  in  a  strike  could  be  as  satisfactorily  arranged  without  resort- 
ing to  such  an  extreme  and  generally  doubtful  expedient.  Indeed,  in  the  nine 
cases  there  would  be  no  necessity  for  a  strike."  From  "  The  Providence 
Journal,"  March  11,  1886.  "  Mr.  Arthur,  Chief  of  the  Brotherhood  of  Loco- 
motive Engineers,  said  in  a  recent  interview :  '  Our  order  is  opposed  to  strikes. 
"We  believe  that  arbitration  and  peaceful  methods  will  accomplish  all  that  can 
be  asked  if  our  cause  is  a  just  and  right  one.  The  strike  is  the  last  and  des- 
perate resort.'  " — "Providence  Journal,"  March  20, 1886. 

*  The  "  boycott"  is  not  a  modern  invention.  In  its  present  form  it  was 
suggested  by  an  American,  and  first  carried  into  effect,  in  Ireland,  against  Cap- 
tain Boycott  from  whom  it  takes  its  name.  But  it  is  an  old  method.  The 
ban  of  the  Jews  against  lepers,  the  excommunication,  bans  against  heretics 
pronounced  by  the  synagogues  and  the  Church,  the  "tea-fight"  of  the  Ameri- 
can colonists,  the  "  black  lists"  of  manufacturers  against  workmen,  were  all, 
in  spirit,  boycotts.  In  justification  of  the  method  the  advocates  of  the  boycott 
affirm  :  That  in  a  social  conflict  there  can  be  no  such  thing  as  a  non-combat- 
ant. All  are  parties  to  the  question  at  issue.  They  who  patronize  an  op- 
pressor of  labor  by  the  purchase  of  his  goods  are  furnishing  him  with  the  sm- 
ews of  war.  The  boycott  is  often  the  only  method  of  educating  the  commu- 
nity as  to  the  necessity  for  arbitration  as  the  true  means  of  preventing  strikes. 
In  a  contest  where  power  of  wealth  and  influence  is  all  on  one  side,  and  only 
power  of  numbers  on  the  other,  some  strong  weapon  must  be  seized  by  those 


DUTY  OF  EMPLOYERS.  123 

Here,  then,  is  this  great  force.  What  will  you  do  with  it  ? 
This  is  a  question  for  business  men  to  answer.  Your  own  wel- 
fare, the  welfare  of  workmen,  the  welfare  of  society,  are  in- 
volved in  the  answer.  These  questions  are  imminent  ques- 
tions. You  must  answer  them  wisely,  or  anarchy  impends. 
You  may  refuse  to  answer.  You  may  say,  This  is  none  of  our 
business.  You  may  resent,  as  a  supreme  impertinence,  the 
existence  of  these  organizations.  You  may  assail  them  with 
sophistries  or  with  lock-outs.  But  you  only  make  workmen 
believe  more  firmly  in  the  worth  of  organization.  You  em- 
bitter them.  Of  course,  if  this  method  is  politic,  humane, 
Christian,  you  had  better  pursue  it.  But  surely  this  method 
is  not  humane.  It  is  not  Christian.  There  is  a  far  nobler  and 
safer  way. 

Business  men  !  These  workingmen  are,  before  the  eye  of 
God,  your  equals  as  to  human  right.  As  American  citizens, 
most  of  them  are  your  political  peers.  In  the  large  partner- 
ship of  industrial  production,  they  are  in  a  real  sense  your  col: 
leagues.  You  lose  no  dignity  and  no  possible  advantage  by 
dealing  with  them  as  equals  and  colleagues.  You  can  not 
afford  to  deal  with  them  in  any  other  way.  Counsel  with 
them.  Set  before  them  in  fullest  manner,  without  conceal- 
ment, your  side  of  the  case.  Listen  patiently  and  respectfully 
to  their  side.  Put  yourselves  in  their  places.  Be  fair  and 
frank  with  them.  Most  mischiefs  come  from  misunderstand- 
ing. The  men  of  the  plate-glass  industry  never  strike,  because 
their  employers  keep  them  always  informed  of  the  conditions 
of  the  trade.  If  you  and  your  men  fail  to  agree,  then  arbi- 
trate. 

whoso  strength  is  only  in  their  numbers  and  in  the  righteousness  of  their 
cause.  The  tendency  and  the  design  of  the  boycott  is  to  end  boycotts  and  strikes 
by  putting  arbitration  in  their  place. — Even  in  the  face  of  such  an  apparently 
reasonable  plea,  I  can  not  modify  my  strictures.  The  boycott  is  a  sword  that 
cuts  both  ways.  It  allows  the  aggrieved  party  to  be  judge,  jury,  prosecuting 
attorney,  executioner,  all  in  one,  and  calls  upon  a  whole  community  to  indorse 
the  verdict,  and  participate  in  the  execution.  It  is  often  as  unjust  and  op- 
pressive toward  workingrnen  as  it  is  toward  employers.  It  is  a  weapon  whereby 
workmen  and  unions  may  be  used  as  tools  by  employers  or  corporations  for 
the  damage  or  destruction  of  a  rival.  It  is  a  right  only  as  revolution  is  a  right. 
For  it  is  revolution,  not  evolution. 


124:  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

The  leading  trades-unions  seek  arbitration  as  a  remedy  for 
strikes.  The  Knights  of  Labor  proclaim  arbitration — arbitra- 
tion to  avoid  a  strike,  arbitration  to  end  it — as  a  cardinal  doc- 
trine of  their  creed.  All  honor  to  the  horny  hands  that  thus 
stretch  out  the  olive-branch,  and  that  have  flung  forth  into 
the  smoke  of  war  the  white  banner  of  the  "Truce  of  God "  ! 

Arbitrate  ?  Not  I.  My  business  is  my  own  ;  I  will  man- 
age it  in  my  own  way,  and  will  brook  no  interference.  True 
enough,  your  business  is  your  own,  but  not  wholly  to  manage 
as  you  please.  You  can  not  become  a  public  nuisance  without 
becoming  an  object  of  public  concern.  Every  business  man  is 
a  public  servant.  And  when  a  public  servant,  by  obstinacy 
or  inordinate  pride,  refuses  a  fair  method  of  avoiding  a  dis- 
turbance of  industrial  peace,  society  may  have  somewhat  to 
say  unto  that  servant.  Sirs,  if  you,  employing  partners,  can 
not  agree  with  your  employed  partners,  or  they  will  not  agree 
with  you,  then  voluntarily,  or  by  methods  established  by  law, 
arbitrate.  For  arbitrate  you  must,  since,  somehow,  society 
must  have  peace.  War  is  barbarous.  Arbitration  is  civilized 
and  humane.  War  is  likely  to  become  devilish.  Arbitration 
is  Christian. 

I  have  confidence  in  the  fair-mindedness  and  good  inten- 
tion and  kindly  spirit  of  the  average  employer.  I  have  confi- 
dence in  the  fair-mindedness  of  the  average  workman.  I  be- 
lieve that  what  Mr.  Rogers  says  of  the  English  workman  is 
largely  true  of  our  own  :  "He  has  never  dreamed  of  making 
war  upon  capital  and  capitalists.  In  his  most  combative  tem- 
per he  has  simply  desired  to  come  to  terms  with  capital,  and 
to  gain  a  benefit  by  the  harmonious  working  of  a  binding 
treaty  between  himself  and  his  employer."* 

The  history  of  industrial  conciliation  and  arbitration  in 
France,  where  the  legal  system  was  established  in  1806  by  Na- 
poleon I,  and  of  the  voluntary  system  introduced  into  Eng- 
land in  1860  by  Rupert  Kettle  and  A.  P.  Mundella,  and  which 
for  many  industrial  localities  has  abolished  strikes,  are  histo- 
ries which  every  American  ought  to  study,  and  which  all  in- 
dustrial forces  ought  to  reproduce,  t  Why  may  not  the  day 

*  Eogers's  "  Work  and  Wages,"  p.  491. 

t  Art.  "  Industrial  Arbitration  and  Conciliation."     By  Joseph  D.  Weeks, 


APPEAL  TO  KNIGHTS  OF  LABOR.        125 

come  when  honest  business  men  and  intelligent  workingmen 
shall  know  the  needs  and  the  burdens  that  becloud  each  other's 
lives,  shall  have  the  light  of  each  other's  experience,  and  shall 
stand  shoulder  to  shoulder  in  their  productive  tasks,  warring 
in  joint  array  against  the  robber  classes  who  hamper  the  pros- 
perity of  the  one,  and  against  the  ignorance  and  fanaticism 
that  injure  the  thrift  and  the  welfare  of  the  other  ?  Ye  cap- 
tains of  industry  !  For  wise  policy's  sake,  for  fair  profit's 
sake,  for  the  sake  of  humanity  and  social  order,  for  His  sake 
whose  gracious  rule  brings  peace,  let  arbitration  take  the  place 
of  strife  and  end  it. 

In  closing  this  chapter,  it  may  not  be  amiss  if  I  address  a 
few  sentences  to  any  Knights  of  Labor  who  may  read  these 
pages.  I  have  given  such  emphatic  indorsement  to  the  gen- 
eral conservatism  of  the  spirit,  and  to  the  moral  and  economic 
fairness  of  most  of  the  specific  aims  of  your  order,  that  I  am 
sure  you  will  not  take  unkindly  a  few  words  of  caution.  You 
may  have  among  you  men  whose  views  are  very  radical  and 
possibly  absurd.  Such  people  are  found  in  every  social  class. 
Leaflets  have  gone  into  my  scrap-basket,  written  by  those  who 
claim  to  represent  you— men  whose  stock  of  economic  philos- 
ophy consists  of  a  few  half-truths,  a  few  real  facts,  and  a  host 
of  things  quite  otherwise  than  real  and  true.  Let  your  intelli- 
gence refuse  to  be  guided  and  let  your  passions  become  incapa- 
ble of  arousal  by  such  would-be  leaders.  They  are  Will-o'-the 
wisps,  that  will  beguile  you  into  marshes  ;  not  true  lights  that 
will  point  you  to  safe  harbor.  Do  not  misuse  your  power. 
You  are  a  power — a  vast  power  for  good  or  for  ill.  Ill  to  so- 
ciety, from  you,  means  inevitable  ill  to  yourselves.  Men  in 
masses  do  strange  things  sometimes.  All  power  is  a  tempta- 
tion to  tyranny.  But  no  tyranny  in  others  can  justify  tyran- 
ny in  you.  "It  is  noble  to  have  a  giant's  strength,  but  it  is 
brutal  to  use  it  like  a  giant."  Do  not  count  all  capitalists 
knaves,  nor  all  employers  oppressors.  Study  true  economic 

"Lalor'sCycl.,"  vol.  ii,  p.  503.  Toynbee's  "  Industrial  Revolution,  etc.," 
p.  198.  "Industrial  Conciliation  and  Arbitration."  By  Carroll  D.  Wright. 
Boston:  Rand,  Avery  &  Co.,  1881.  "Massachusetts  Bureau  of  Statistics  of 
Labor,"  1881,  pp.  1-75.  "  Corporations,  Employe's,  and  the  Public,"  "  N.  A. 
Rev.,"  vol.  cxl,  pp.  101-119. 


126  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

principles  and  all  current  economic  conditions,  that  you  may 
know  whether  your  demands  are  rational,  possible,  or  just. 
Regard  other  men's  rights  and  your  duties,  as  well  as  other 
men's  duties  and  your  rights.  Do  not  waste  much  time  in 
moping  over  the  wrongs  you  may  suffer.  Put  them  on  record ; 
summarize  them  in  statistics  ;  let  society  know  them.  Be  sure 
society  will  at  last  judge  them  rightly.  But  do  not  make  your 
assemblies  hospitals  for  the  exposure  of  running  sores.  And 
remember  that  a  wise  physician  will  never  let  a  patient  feel 
too  often  of  his  own  pulse. 

You  call  yourselves  Knights  ;  a  noble  name.  You  know 
its  meaning — servants  ;  servants  of  labor  ;  servants  of  a  social 
weal  through  labor.  Your  name  embodies  a  Christian  prin- 
ciple ;  for  by  true  service  all  worthy  greatness  is  attained,  and 
all  best  power  is  wielded  by  humility.  One,  the  Christ,  is 
Lord  of  all,  because  He  became  servant  of  all.  Be  His  serv- 
ants, His  knights.  Maintain  all  knightly  honor  in  the  fur- 
therance of  your  common  aims.  Knighthood  should  be  in- 
telligent, honest,  open,  fair.  It  should  war  against  ignorance, 
untruth,  malice.  It  should  set  itself  against  sloth,  slander, 
foul  talk,  unclean  thought,  unchaste  action.  It  should  put  its 
lance  in  rest  against  shabby,  scamp  and  incompetent  work, 
and  against  poor  and  false  materials,  and  against  whatever 
tarnishes  the  honor  of  labor,  whether  done  by  employers  or 
fellow-workmen.  May  God  give  you  for  your  personal  war- 
fare as  men  and  women,  and  for  your  organized  conflict 
against  every  real  wrong,  the  panoply  of  a  very  divine  right- 
eousness. As  Joseph  Arch,  President  of  the  English  Agricult- 
ural Labor  Union,  said  to  his  comrades,  so  I  say  to  you  :  "  Let 
peace  and  moderation  mark  all  your  meetings.  Let  courtesy, 
fairness  and  firmness  characterize  your  demands.  Be  united 
and  you  will  be  strong.  Be  temperate  and  you  will  be  re- 
spected." 


CHAPTER  IX. 

INDUSTRIAL  CO-OPERATION. 

"  As  the  power  of  self-existence  in  Nature  includes  all  other  attributes,  so 
self-help  in  the  people  includes  all  the  conditions  of  progress.  Co-operation 
is  organized  self-help — that  is  what  the  complexion  of  the  future  will  be." — 
George  Jacob  Holyoake. 

THE  mystery  of  the  incarnation  of  Jesus,  regarded  as  of 
divine  purpose,  is  a  purpose  of  infinite  scope  and  eternal  reach  ; 
regarded  as  a  fact  in  human  history,  it  is  a  fact  of  wide  and 
various  meanings.  And  surely  in  the  purpose  and  amid  the 
meanings  we  may  clearly  discern  this  purpose  and  meaning, 
that  God  became  man  in  Jesus  Christ  that  men  might  know 
the  worth  of  personal  manhood  and  the  value  of  human 
brotherhood.  It  was  the  whole  race  of  men,  yet  the  separate 
souls  of  men  as  men,  that  God  so  loved  that  He  gave  His  Son. 
Poverty  was  the  outward  condition  of  Christ's  human  life,  yet 
in  His  veins  flowed  the  blood  of  kings.  He  sat  at  rich  men's 
tables,  yet  His  proud  hosts  knew  that  it  was  not  because  they 
were  rich,  but  because  they  were  men,  that  He  sought  their 
company.  He  entered  poor  men's  homes,  but  every  poor  man 
knew  that  Christ's  honor  was  paid  not  to  his  poverty  but  to 
his  manhood. 

Since  Jesus  Christ  brought  God  to  man  that  He  might  lift 
up  men  to  God,  the  greatest  thing  in  all  the  world  is  man — 
man  without  accidents  of  ignorance,  or  knowledge  of  poverty 
or  riches — a  man,  as  a  man.  But  this  manhood  never  finds 
its  highest  meaning  in  isolation,  whether  of  solitariness  or 
of  selfishness.  True  individualism  needs,  for  its  complete- 
ness, social  action  ;  even  as  the  best  social  progress  demands 
unhampered  individualism.  The  law  of  love  which  Christ 
taught  and  illustrated  Is  law  disobeyed,  unless  the  fact  of  per- 


128  STUDIES  IN  MODERX  SOCIALISM. 

sonal  manhood  is  correlated  and  completed  by  the  fact  of 
social  brotherhood. 

In  the  midst  of  an  industrial  war,  when  organization  is 
not  only  the  right  but  the  necessity  and  the  duty  of  both  par- 
ties to  the  conflict,  may  not  the  very  fact  of  organization  be 
invoked  to  teach  these  contending  factions  the  lesson  of 
peace  ?  Certainly  we  can  not  regard  with  complacency  the 
division  of  the  industrial  forces  into  the  two  watchful  and 
warring  camps,  of  capitalist  and  workmen,  as  a  permanent 
condition.  Even  arbitration,  far  better  than  actual  war,  is  at 
best  only  a  truce,  not  a  peace.  While  the  force  of  capital  is 
largely  in  one  set  of  hands  and  the  force  of  labor  in  another 
set  of  hands,  there  will  be  no  permanent  peace.  These  inter- 
ests must  somehow  become  common,  not  only  as  ideal  eco- 
nomic truths,  but  as  actual  economic  condition.  The  fair  lass 
of  the  white  rose  House  of  York — Capital — must  somehow 
give  herself  in  marriage  to  the  sturdy  lad  of  the  red  rose  House 
of  Lancaster — Labor.  Then  the  civil  feud  that  drains  the  best 
blood  of  both  will  end.  How  the  laborer  may  become  a  capi- 
talist is  the  problem  now  before  us. 

While  great  wealth  in  some  hands  is  not  of  itself  a  social 
ill,  but  is,  on  the  whole,  a  social  good,  yet  a  wider  distribution 
of  wealth,  more  of  it  in  many  hands,  is  an  acknowledged  and 
an  imperative  social  necessity.*  How  shall  this  necessity  be 
met? 

All  forms  of  socialism  and  communism  have  their  answers 
for  this  question.  But  these  answers  we  have  seen  to  be,  in 
their  essence,  a  reversal  of  the  tides  of  history.  If  there  are 
those  who  choose  to  waste  time  with  the  communist  in  dream- 
ing of  a  day  when  the  vast  wealth  of  this  nation  will  be 
equally  divided  among  the  entire  population,  let  them  con- 
tinue to  dream  their  dreams.  Meanwhile  practical  people, 
who  honestly  object  to  every  sort  of  robbery,  but  who  are  not 
content  with  existing  conditions,  are  striving  after  some  more 
moral,  more  Christian,  more  adequate  solution.  One  at- 
tempted solution  is  known  as  co-operation. 

*  "  Free  institutions  run  continual  risk  of  shipwreck  when  power  is  the 
possession  of  the  many,  but  property — from  whatever  cause — the  enjoyment 
of  the  few."  Rae's  "  Contemporary  Socialism,"  p.  27. 


THE  CO-OPERATIVE  PRINCIPLE.  129 

Co-operation  is  working  together.  The  members  of  the 
physical  body  are  co-operant  factors  in  the  body's  weal.  Co- 
operation is  one  of  the  laws  of  things.  Without  it  nature 
would  be  not  a  cosmos,  a  beautiful  order,  but  a  chaos,  a  repul- 
sive disorder.  Without  it  there  could  be  no  Church,  no  State, 
no  society,  no  industry.  Division  of  labor  more  and  more 
minute  demands  co-operation  in  labor  more  and  more  com- 
plete. The  whole  trend  of  modern  production  is  toward  some 
form  of  co-operation.  Private  enterprise  is  becoming  asso- 
ciated enterprise. 

Corporation  and  co-operation  have  diff erent  roots,  but  com- 
mon meanings.  Corporation  means  a  body.  But  a  body  is 
made  up  of  members  co-operating.  Mills,  factories,  railroads, 
telegraphs  are  built,  owned,  managed  by  corporations.  Small 
streams  of  capital  flow  together  into  one  large  stream  of  capi- 
tal, and  the  wheels  of  vast  industries  revolve.  Although  the 
combination  of  large  or  small  capitalists  in  a  corporation  is  a 
true  co-operative  enterprise,  yet  it  is  a  union  of  workingmen, 
not  capitalists,  in  an  endeavor  to  become,  in  a  sense,  capital- 
ists, to  which  the  word  co-operation  is  technically  applied.* 
There  is  a  form  of  co-operation  known  as  profit-sharing,  where 
the  employer  takes  the  initiative  in  an  endeavor  after  a  wider 
distribution  of  products,  which  will  be  treated  in  the  follow- 
ing chapter.  For  the  present,  we  consider  only  that  form  of 
co-operation,  where  the  joint  industry  is  the  result  of  the 
efforts,  the  sacrifices,  the  management  of  workingmen. 

Co-operation,  as  an  economic  principle,  is  'the  union  of 
workingmen  for  the  production  and  distribution  of  wealth. 
When  consistent  with  its  own  principle,  it  leaves  out  of  the  dis- 
tribution nobody  who  helps  in  the  production.  Its  eulogist 
and  historian  says  of  it  :  "It  touches  no  man's  fortune  ;  it 
seeks  no  plunder  ;  it  gives  no  trouble  to  statesmen  ;  it  contem- 
plates no  violence  ;  it  subverts  no  order  ;  it  envies  no  dignity  ; 
it  accepts  no  gift  nor  asks  any  favor  ;  it  keeps  no  terms  with 
the  idle,  and  will  break  no  faith  with  the  industrious.  It  is 
neither  mendicant,  servile,  nor  offensive  ;  it  has  its  hand  in 

*  "  Capital,  the  hitherto  unmanageable  mother  of  progress,  co-operation  pro- 
poses to  acquire  for  itself  and  to  control  its  uses  by  equity." — George  J.  Holy- 
oake,  article  "  State  Socialism,"  "  Nineteenth  Century,"  June,  1879,  p.  1119. 


130  STUDIES   IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

no  man's  pocket,  and  does  not  mean  that  any  hands  shall  re- 
main long  or  comfortably  in  its  own.  It  means  self-help,  self- 
dependence,  and  such  share  of  the  common  competence  as 
labor  can  earn,  or  thought  can  win.  And  this  it  intends  to 
have,  but  by  means  which  shall  leave  every  other  person  an 
equal  share  of  the  same  good."  *  As  a  principle,  co-operation 
is  quite  distinct  from  Socialism  or  Communism.  Says  a  writer 
in  the  "Encyclopaedia  Britannica":  "It  takes  its  departure 
from  Communism  at  a  very  definite  and  significant  point. 
While  the  latter  would  extinguish  the  motive  of  individual 
gain  and  possession  in  the  sentiment  of  universal  happiness 
or  good,  and  remodel  all  the  existing  rights,  laws,  and  ar- 
rangements of  society  on  a  basis  deemed  consonant  to  this  end, 
co-operation  seeks,  in  consistency  with  the  fundamental  insti- 
tutes of  society  as  hitherto  developed,  to  ameliorate  the  social 
condition  by  a  concurrence  of  an  increasing  number  of  asso- 
ciates in  a  common  interest."  t 

True  co-operation  has  no  thought  of  stealing  capital  from 
those  who  have  amassed  it.  Rather,  by  employment  of  co-op- 
erative economy  it  seeks  to  save,  or  by  entering  into  indus- 
trial partnership  it  strives  to  earn  its  own  capital.  The  co-op- 
erative principle  had  been  known  and  practically  illustrated 
before  Robert  Owen,  capitalist,  manufacturer,  philanthropist, 
had,  in  1821,  issued  his  "Economist"  newspaper.  The  lead- 
miners  of  Cornwall,  the  British  whalemen,  the  American 
China  traders,  the  Greek  merchant  sailors  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean, had  all  been  practically  co-operators.  But  it  was  Owen 
who,  in  the  first  issue  of  the  "Economist,"  introduced  the 
term  into  industrial  literature. 

Owen's  theory  of  co-operation  was  really  a  form  of  com- 
munism. He  showed  his  faith  in  it  by  expending  a  large 
fortune  in  its  promotion,  and  by  establishing  at  New  Lanark 
in  Scotland,  and  at  New  Harmony  in  America,  communities 
which  he  hoped  would  be  models  for  the  imitation  of  the 
world.  With  all  Owen's  fallacies  of  principle,  he  accom- 

*  "  The  History  of  Co-operation  in  England,"  by  George  Jacob  Holyoake. 
London  :  Trubner  &  Co.,  1875,  vol.  i,  p.  6. 

t  R.  Somers,  article  "  Co-operation,"  "  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,"  ninth 
edition,  vol.  vi,  p.  301,  a. 


PIONEERS  OF  CO-OPERATION.  131 

plished  a  great  work  for  social  weal.  He  was  the  founder  of 
the  English  primary-school  system.  He  was  the  first  to  short- 
en hours  of  labor,  and  was  a  zealous  advocate  of  factory  legis- 
lation. He  was  the  real  author  of  the  co-operative  movement. 
For  more  than  twenty  years,  the  history  of  co-operation  in 
England  was  a  history  of  experiments  ending  only  in  disaster. 
The  communistic  element  in  the  principle  prevented  it  from 
making  much  headway  against  practical  English  common 
sense.  There  was  great  enthusiasm.  The  land  was  flooded 
with  pamphlets  and  periodicals.  Orators  were  everywhere 
discoursing.  Societies  were  everywhere  organized.  But  no 
practical  results  followed.  The  principle  must  work  itself 
clear  of  its  incumbrances.* 

At  length,  in  Rochdale,  in  1844,  a  new  experiment  was 
tried.  The  story  of  the  Rochdale  pioneers  is  a  hackneyed  one. 
Everybody  who  has  taken  the  slightest  glance  at  the  literature 
of  co-operation  is  familiar  with  it.  Yet  it  is  a  story  that  can 

*  These  experimental  movements,  and  especially  the  missionary  and  edu- 
cational work  done  by  co-operators,  had  a  large  share  in  securing  the  final  re- 
sult. In  1829,  twenty-five  workmen  began  a  night-school  in  two  small  rooms 
in  Salford,  Manchester.  They  kept  school  on  Sunday  also.  Visitors  came 
from  far  and  near.  Botany,  chemistry,  mechanics,  drawing,  were  taught. 
Co-operation  was  preached.  Opposition  was  excited.  The  clergy  charged  the 
movement  with  atheistic  tendencies.  In  1830,  the  "  Manchester  Times  "  said : 
"  The  people  who  favor  these  reforms  are  a  set  of  visionary  fools,  and  have  not 
their  equals  in  either  ancient  or  modern  history.  Who  ever  conceived  the  idea 
of  public  parks,  of  public  free  libraries  for  factory-people,  of  shorter  hours  of 
labor,  of  museums  for  the  people?  Why,  it  is  absurd!  "  The  small  rooms 
were  outgrown.  A  large  hall  was  offered  by  one  of  the  members,  and  fitted 
up  as  class-rooms,  lecture-hall,  and  kitchen.  The  lecture-hall  would  seat  one 
thousand  people.  A  missionary  corps  was  organized,  after  the  style  of  the 
Methodists.  In  1835,  a  new  hall  was  built,  seating  two  thousand.  This  was 
crowded  on  Sundays.  Missionaries  pushed  out  to  surrounding  towns.  Among 
other  places  regularly  visited  was  Rochdale.  Rochdale  workmen  began  to  at- 
tend the  school  at  Manchester.  Six  weavers  determined  to  try  co-operation. 
They  contributed  four  cents  a  week  until  they  had  saved  five  dollars.  Tea 
and  oatmeal  were  purchased  in  Manchester  and  distributed  in  the  room  of  one 
of  the  weavers.  The  net  profit  was  sixty  cents.  The  Toad  Lane  experiment 
soon  followed. 

These  facts  were  communicated  to  mo  by  Mr.  John  W.  Ashton,  one  of  the 
first  workers  in  the  Salford  school  in  1829.  Mr.  Ashton  afterward  gave  the 
facts  to  a  reporter  for  "  The  People,"  of  Providence,  R.  I.,  and  they  were  pub- 
lished in  the  issues  of  that  journal,  January  2  and  January  9,  1886. 


132  STUDIES  IN   MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

not  be  told  too  often.  Twenty-eight  journeymen,  most  of  them 
flannel- weavers,  subscribe  two  or  three  pence  a  week  until  at 
last  each  man  has  £1  of  paid-up  stock,  the  total  shares  amount- 
ing to  £28.  Some  sacks  of  flour,  one  of  oatmeal,  a  hundred- 
weight of  sugar,  and  a  firkin  of  butter  are  bought.  A  store 
is  hired  in  one  of  the  by-streets  of  the  town.  The  co-operators 
are  ready  for  business.  They  assemble  in  their  little  shop, 
ashamed  to  open  it.  At  last  one  man  has  the  courage  to  take 
the  shutters  down.  All  Toad  Lane  rings  with  shouts  of  de- 
rision. This  Toad  Lane  rabble  had  not  read  history.  No  man 
who  reads  history,  no  man  whose  heart  bends  with  reverence 
over  the  manger  at  Bethlehem,  where  God's  Christ  is  cradled 
in  poverty  and  lowliness,  will  despise  the  day  of  small  things. 
These  Rochdale  weavers  had  made  a  discovery  in  economic 
principle.  They  had  discovered  that  if  capital,  management, 
and  hand-labor  are  the  factors  in  wealth  produced,  desire  for 
an  object  in  the  mind  of  a  purchaser  is  an  element  in  such  a 
distribution  of  wealth,  that  the  distribution  makes  possible 
further  production.  They  had  discovered  that  wealth  needs 
purchasers  as  well  as  producers  in  order  to  make  it  wealth, 
and  that  the  customer,  as  well  as  the  maker  and  the  trades- 
man, is  himself  a  producer  of  wealth.  And  so  these  Eochdale 
men  said  :  Our  customers,  whether  shareholders  or  not,  help 
to  make  our  profits.  They  shall  have  a  part  of  the  profits. 
We  will  sell  at  market  rates.  Out  of  our  profits  we  will  give 
to  capital  its  portion  ;  we  will  set  aside  part  for  a  reserve  fund 
and  part  for  an  educational  fund  ;  the  remainder  we  will  di- 
vide either  in  stock  or  in  cash  among  our  customers.  It  was  a 
new  thing  under  the  sun.  It  taught  men  the  value  of  savings. 
It  made  savings  possible.  It  secured  savings  without  the  spe- 
cial effort  of  saving.  The  ridicule  soon  ceased.  When,  after 
twenty  years,  a  new  central  store  had  been  erected,  with  gro- 
cery and  butcher's  and  draper's  shop  and  general  store,  with 
news-room  and  library  ;  when  the  membership  had  increased 
to  4,747  and  the  capital  to  £62,105,  and  the  annual  sales  to 
£174,937  and  the  annual  profits  to  £22,717,  it  was  the  turn  of 
the  co-operators  to  laugh.* 

*Holyoake's  "Hist,  of  Co-op.,"  vol.  ii,  pp.  44-66.     Thornton  on  "La- 
bor," pp.  399-401. 


SPREAD  OF  CO-OPERATIVE  ENTERPRISES.  133 

The  success  of  the  Rochdale  experiment  speedily  produced 
imitators  all  over  the  kingdom ;  associations  were  formed,  and 
a  wholesale  society  was  organized.  In  1883  the  whole  number 
of  societies  in  the  United  Kingdom  was  1,304,  with  a  member- 
ship of  680,165.  From  1862  to  1883  the  total  sales  amounted 
to  £303,326,024.  The  total  net  profits,  which  represented  capital 
saved  to  the  members  by  this  mode  of  trading,  amounted  to  £24,- 
084,113.  In  1883  these  societies  had  over  £4,000,000  invested 
in  provident  societies  and  other  sources  than  trade,  and  in  that 
year  devoted  over  £14,000  of  profits  to  educational  purposes. 

It  will  be  evident  to  all  who  study  the  history  and  methods 
of  these  associations  that  they  are  not  industrial  societies,  and 
that  they  are  not  in  the  strict  sense  co-operative.  They  are 
distributers,  not  producers.  Their  only  co-operative  feature 
is  that  customers  share  in  the  profits.  The  Scottish  Wholesale 
Society,  and  some  local  societies,  admit  employes,  not  share- 
holders, to  a  participation  in  the  profits.  This  is  true  co-op- 
eration. But  the  application  of  this  feature  is  limited  in  ex- 
tent. And  yet  these  stores  are  a  natural  outgrowth  of  the 
co-operative  principle.  They  are  the  foundation  on  which  co- 
operative production  must  build.  They  furnish  the  capital 
and  the  special  training  necessary  to  industrial  enterprise. 
They  are  the  harbingers  of  a  wider  and  more  perfect  applica- 
tion of  the  principle. 

Early  in  the  history  of  the  Rochdale  Pioneers,  various 
forms  of  productive  industry  were  found  to  be  needful  and 
practicable  as  investments  for  surplus  capital  and  as  sources 
of  supply  for  the  store.  In  1883  there  were  thirty-four  pro- 
ductive societies,  composed  of  workingmen,  in  England,  Scot- 
land, and  Wales. 

On  the  Continent,  co-operation  has  also  borne  fruit.  In 
Germany  it  has  taken  chiefly  the  form  of  people's  banks  ; 
though  there  are  numerous  agricultural  societies,  societies  fqr 
the  sale  of  raw  material  to  workmen,  and  depots  for  the  sale 
of  the  goods  produced  by  the  members.  In  France  there  are 
large  establishments  controlled  by  workmen,  chiefly  in  Paris, 
where  seventy  societies  for  co-operative  industry  exist.  Simi- 
lar associations  both  for  distribution  and  production  are  found 
in  Austria-Hungary,  Denmark,  Sweden,  Switzerland,  Italy, 
the  Netherlands,  and  Australia. 


134:  STUDIES  IX   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

Co-operation  in  the  United  States  has  had  too  brief  a  his- 
tory to  furnish  us  with  many  reliable  statistics.  Many  labor 
organizations,  as  the  Sovereigns  of  Industry,  the  Patrons  of 
Husbandry,  and  the  Knights  of  Labor,  proclaim  co-operation 
as  part  of  their  creed,  and  have  made  some  successful  attempts 
to  put  the  creed  into  practice.  In  Texas  a  wholesale  society 
and  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  retail  stores  exist  in  connec- 
tion with  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry.  There  are  various  pro- 
ductive enterprises,  especially  among  the  printers.  In  Law- 
rence, Mass.,  a  distributive  association  began  business  Septem- 
ber 15,  1884.  At  the  close  of  its  first  fiscal  year  it  had  used  an 
average  capital  of  $3,320,  had  turned  over  its  capital  eleven 
times,  made  gross  sales  of  over  $38,000,  expended  nearly  $4,000 
in  interest,  salaries  and  other  necessary  expenses,  and  had 
earned  in  net  profts  over  $2,000,  or  nearly  seventy-four  per 
cent  on  the  capital.* 

The  success  of  co-operation,  both  distributive  and  produc- 
tive, has  been  shown  to  be  possible.  There  are  many  work- 
ingmen  who  ridicule  it.  There  are  many  economists  who 
have  no  faith  in  it.  But  Professor  Fawcett  did  not  hesitate  to 
write:  "Co-operation  may  be  more  confidently  relied  upon 
than  any  other  economic  agency  to  effect  a  marked  and  per- 
manent improvement  in  the  social  and  industrial  condition  of 
the  country."  And  that  clear-headed  statesman,  Earl  Derby, 
said  :  "I  believe  it — co-operation — is  tbe  best,  the  surest  rem- 
edy for  the  antagonism  of  labor  and  capital,  for  it  is  not  neces- 
sary to  successful  co-operation  that  the  capitalist  should  be 
turned  out  of  the  concern.  I  am  well  aware, "  he  continued, 
' '  that  such  a  state  of  things  as  I  have  pointed  out  can  not  be 
brought  about  in  a  day.  It  is  quite  probable  that  there  are 
some  trades,  some  kinds  of  business,  where  it  can  not  be 

*  "  Mass.  Bureau  of  Statistics  of  Labor,"  1877.  "  Manual  of  Distributive 
Co-operation."  Carroll  D.  "Wright.  Boston,  1885.  "  Beport  of  Mass.  Bu- 
reau Statistics  of  Labor,"  1886.  "Report  of  Senate  Com.  on  Labor,"  vol.  i, 
pp.  5,  33 ;  vol.  ii,  p.  541.  The  most  complete  treatment  yet  given  to  the 
history  of  co-operation  in  America — including  profit-sharing  —  has  been 
given  by  Prof.  E.  T.  Ely,  in  five  articles  in  "  The  Congregationalism,"  Bos- 
ton, Mass.,  from  February  11  to  March  11,  1886.  Prof.  Ely,  in  what  he 
calls  "  a  rash  guess,"  estimates  the  amount  of  business  annually  transacted  by 
distributive  co-operators  at  $20,000,000. 


MORAL   RESULTS   OF   CO-OPERATION.  135 

brought  about  at  all.  But  it  seems  to  me  that  it  is  in  this 
direction  that  the  efforts  of  the  best  workers  and  the  ideas  of 
the  best  thinkers  are  tending  ;  and  we  are  not  to  be  disheart- 
ened by  a  few  failures,  or  disappointed  because  we  do  not  at 
once  hit  on  the  best  way  of  doing  what  has  never  been  done 
before." 

Co-operation  has  been  beset  with  difficulties.  It  has  com- 
mitted grave  errors.  It  has  been  subjected  to  many  failures. 
In  the  sphere  of  production  it  has  scarcely  stirred  a  ripple  on 
the  great  tidal  waves  of  industry  ;  though  in  its  efforts  at  dis- 
tribution it  has  aroused  many  a  wail  loud  and  prolonged,  and 
many  an  appeal  to  Parliament  from  the  British  shopkeepers, 
who  have  feared  that  their  trade  might  be  destroyed.  But 
the  principle  is  sound  at  the  core  ;  for  it  is  a  Christian  princi- 
ple, and  is  therefore  destined  to  live  and  nourish.  Already  in 
its  history  it  has  accomplished  much  for  its  promoters.  It 
has  inculcated  honesty  ;  for  it  has  married  interest  and  duty. 
Mr.  Holyoake's  enthusiasm  is  warranted  when  he  affirms : 
"The  whole  atmosphere  of  a  co-operative  store  is  honest.  In 
that  market  there  is  no  distrust  and  no  deception,  no  adultera- 
tion and  no  second  prices.  Buyer  and  seller  meet  as  friends. 
There  is  no  overreaching  on  one  side,  and  no  suspicion  on  the 
other.  Those  who  serve  neither  hurry,  finesse,  nor  flatter. 
They  have  no  interest  in  chicanery.  Their  sole  duty  is  to  give 
fair  measure,  full  weight,  and  pure  quality  to  men  who  never 
knew  before  what  it  was  to  have  a  wholesome  meal,  whose 
shoes  let  in  water  a  month  too  soon,  whose  waistcoats  shone 
with  devil's  dust  and  whose  wives  wore  calico  that  would  not 
wash.  When  a  child,"  adds  Mr.  Holyoake,  "  is  sent  to  a  shop, 
it  is  usual,  as  children  can  be  put  off  with  anything,  to  caution 
him  to  go  to  some  particular  man — the  one  with  gray  whiskers 
and  black  hair,  for  instance — and  to  be  sure  and  ask  him  for 
the  best  butter.  But  in  a  store  that  is  co-operative,  all  the  men 
have  gray  whiskers  and  black  hair ;  the  child  can  not  go  to 
the  wrong  man,  and  the  best  butter  is  sure  to  be  given  without 
being  asked  for,  because  no  bad  is  kept."  * 

Co-operation  has   incited  to  prudence,  and  rewarded  the 

•Holyoake's  " Self- Help."  Quoted  from  Thornton  on  "Labor,"  pp. 
407,  408. 


136  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

prudence  to  which  it  incites.  It  has  cured  poverty  of  its  reck- 
lessness. It  has  furnished  motives  for  saving — afforded  the 
opportunity  and  formed  and  cherished  the  habit.  By  return- 
ing to  the  purchaser,  in  dividends,  what  other  traders  would 
have  retained  in  profits,  it  has  made  true  the  quaint  Lanca- 
shire paradox,  "The more  they  eaten,  the  more  they  geten." 

Co-operation  has  given  to  a  just  pride  and  a  generous  aspi- 
ration the  places  once  held  by  dullness  and  despair.  It  has 
fostered  cleanliness,  sobriety,  and  self-respect.  It  has  pro- 
moted the  Christian  sentiment  of  peace  and  good-will.  The 
arbitrators  appointed  to  settle  internal  difficulties  have  never 
had  a  case  brought  before  them,  and  are  said  to  be  somewhat 
discontented  because  nobody  has  quarreled. 

Co-operation  has  taught  other  than  these  strictly  moral  les- 
sons. From  the  very  difficulties  which  have  surrounded  it, 
from  the  mistakes  it  has  made,  and  from  the  failures  which 
have  often  accompanied  its  experiments,  its  advocates  have 
learned  valuable  truths  of  economic  principle.  The  whole 
history  of  co-operation  has  been  an  economic  education  to  the 
workingmen,  who  have  been  the  actors  in  its  modest  but  stir- 
ring scenes.  They  have  learned  the  necessity  of  the  existence 
of  capital,  as  a  force  distinct  from  the  labor  that  originally 
produced  it,  and  that  whatever  may  be  said  against  capital 
when  it  overleaps  its  true  functions  and  becomes  a  tyrant, 
nothing  is  to  be  said  against  it,  but  all  things  in  its  favor,  so 
long  as  it  is  a  useful  servant.  They  have  learned  that  capital, 
as  a  distinct  force,  is  like  other  servants — worthy  of  its  hire, 
even  though  that  hire  be  called  interest. 

Co-operators  have  learned,  or  many  of  them  are  learning, 
that  even  when  co-operative  enterprises  shall  become  general 
they  can  not  wholly  abolish,  though  they  may  transform,  the 
principle  of  competition.  For,  in  spite  of  the  numberless  and 
shameful  ways  by  which  it  has  been  abused,  in  spite  of  the 
savage  crush  and  the  heartless  grind  by  which  it  has  been 
often  applied,  competition  is,  so  far  as  we  know,  a  necessary 
factor  in  social  and  industrial  order.  Most  of  the  complaints 
that  have  been  made  against  competition  have  been  due  not  to 
competition,  but  to  interference  with  its  freedom.*  Co-opera- 

*  "  The  masters  tried  to  forbid  the  journeyman  the  freedom  of  his  craft. 


ECONOMIC  TEACHING  OF  CO-OPERATION.  137 

tion  and  competition  are  the  forces  of  true  socialism,  and  true 
individualism,  not  forces  mutually  destructive,  but  doing  each 
their  best  work  when  they  work  not  apart,  but  together.  No 
divine  wisdom  has  yet  revealed,  no  human  genius  has  yet  dis- 
covered a  principle,  other  than  competition,  that  will  regulate 
and  organize  and  control  the  numberless  elements  of  the  eco- 
nomic world,  fixing  just  price  for  every  product  of  brain  and 
hand. 

Co-operators  are  learning,  from  their  history,  the  neces- 
sary uses  and  the  commercial  value  of  the  organizing,  man- 
aging, employing  talent.  Co-operation  is  democracy  applied 
to  labor.  But  like  all  democracy,  its  successful  application 
depends  upon  the  moral  habits  and  intelligence  of  the  citizen, 
and  upon  the  joint  wisdom  displayed  in  the  choice  of  admin- 
istrators. Many  co-operative  schemes  have  failed  for  want  of 
management.  You  can  no  more  carry  on  a  business,  than 
you  can  carry  on  the  State,  by  simply  counting  heads.  Many 
voices  may  determine  what  shall  be  done,  and  what  man  shall 
be  chosen  to  do  it.  But  the  man  chosen  to  do  the  determined 
thing,  must  be  left  unhindered  by  democratic  dictation  in  his 
methods  of  administration.  This  is  a  hard  lesson  for  working- 
men  to  learn — but  some  of  them  are  learning  it.  They  are 
learning,  too,  that  the  talent  of  successful  management  is  one 
of  the  rarest  of  all  talents  ;  that  it  is  a  talent  which  involves 
natural  endowment  and  the  prolonged  discipline  of  experi- 
ence. Mastership  of  endless  details,  capacity  for  small  econo- 
mies, prudence,  firmness,  quickness  in  emergency,  courtesy, 
consummate  tact — these  qualities  must  all  combine  in  the  suc- 
cessful manager.  Many  a  workman,  who  angrily  begrudged, 
as  a  robbery  of  his  own  wages,  the  payment  of  $20,000  or 
$50,000  as  profits  or  salary  to  the  competent  manager  or  em- 
ployer, on  whose  competency  his  own  wages  were  dependent, 
when  he  saw  his  shares  in  a  co-operative  society  taking  to  them- 
selves wings  because  of  a  failure  to  secure  competent  manage- 
ment, has  learned,  as  he  could  not  otherwise  have  learned,  to 

Existing  companies  try  to  prevent  the  consumer  from  buying  cheap  the  arti- 
cles they  sell  dear.  There  never  was  a  monopoly  which  was  not  to  the  advan- 
tage of  the  strong  and  the  detriment  of  the  weak." — Guyot's  "  Principles  of 
Social  Economy,"  p.  232. 


138  STUDIES   IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

appreciate  and  respect,  and  rightly  measure  the  pecuniary 
value  of  large  administrative  ability.*  The  future  progress  of 
co-operative  production  will  depend,  in  great  part,  on  the  abil- 
ity of  co-operators  to  apply  this  lesson,  and  either  to  find  such 
talent  in  their  own  ranks,  and  to  compensate  it  adequately 
when  found,  or  to  follow  the  example  of  capital  and  hire  such 
talent  wherever  they  can  find  it. 

The  history  of  co-operation  has  given  to  those  engaged  in 
it  an  increasing  perception  of  the  practical  difficulties  of  all 
business  enterprise,  and  hence  a  sympathy  for  those  who  are 
exclusively  business  men.  Co-operators  are  learning  that 
amid  the  varied  forces  of  the  industrial  world,  the  men  who 
seek  to  supply  human  need,  and  who  must  know  the  state  of 
markets,  the  varying  cost  of  materials,  the  shifting  currents 
of  trade,  the  influences  of  good  or  bad  harvests,  of  changing 
fashions,  of  new  inventions,  of  increased  or  diminished  taxa- 
tion, of  the  counsels  of  cabinets,  of  the  robberies  inflicted 
upon  legitimate  trade  by  the  plottings  of  gambling  specu- 
lators— co-operators  know  that  such  business  men  lie  upon  no 
beds  of  roses  and  sleep  no  painless  sleep  of  luxurious  idleness. 
They  know  that  successful  business  activity,  even  in  a  modest 
way,  demands  days  full  of  busy  work  and  nights  made  wake- 
ful by  anxious  care. 

The  history  of  co-operation  has  taught  co-operators  the 
need  of  a  more  thorough  education  for  workingmen,  educa- 
tion of  the  hand,  the  head,  the  conscience,  the  heart  ;  educa- 
tion that  shall  begin  in  earliest  childhood,  and  not  cease  on 
earth  until  the  pulses  have  ceased  their  throbbings.  None 
among  workingmen  are  better  informed  than  co-operators  of 
the  fact  that  a  part  of  the  responsibility  for  any  bad  conditions 
of  labor  rests  upon  labor' j  own  shoulders.  I  say,  a  part  of  the 
responsibility.  For  the  whole  of  the  responsibility  does  not 
rest  there.  We  are  insane  if  we  try  to  rest  it  all  there.  Part 
of  it  is  there.  And  co-operators,  who  have  tried  to  unite 
workingmen  in  some  common  endeavor  looking  to  bettered 
conditions,  know  full  well  that  many  co-operative  failures 
have  been  due,  not  alone  to  the  lack  of  competent  general- 

*  One  of  the  English  wholesale  companies  now  pays  a  salary  of  £5,000  to 
its  chief  buyer. 


CO-OPERATION  HAS  A  FUTURE.  139 

ship,  but  .to  the  ignorance,  the  incompetence,  the  shiftless- 
ness,  the  vices,  the  jealousies  and  suspicions  and  distrusts,  the 
unwillingness  to  submit  to  discipline,  on  the  part  of  working- 
men  themselves.  Co-operators  know  that  any  reconstruction 
of  society,  imposed  from  without,  would  end  in  hopeless  col- 
lapse, so  long  as  the  intellectual  and  moral  character  of 
masses  of  workingmen  remained  unimproved  by  change  and 
uplift  from  within.  And  these  co-operative  societies  have 
done  much  to  foster  such  education.  The  very  self-surrender 
which  they  involve  is  itself  moral  training.  Their  demand 
for  honest  work  ;  their  libraries,  reading-rooms,  debates,  lect- 
ures, have  broadened  their  intellectual  outlook  and  toughened 
their  moral  fiber  in  right  tendencies.  Great  and  enlarging 
opportunities  are  in  their  hands,  even  as  great  demands  are 
laid  upon  them  for  yet  further  educating  their  fellows  in  all 
the  qualities  of  capable  workmanship  and  in  all  the  elements 
of  good  citizenship. 

Has  the  principle  of  co-operation,  in  the  narrow  sense  in 
which  we  have  considered  it,  a  future  ?  I  believe  it  has  a 
future.  It  is  a  divine  principle.  The  drift  of  events,  the 
currents  of  enterprise,  are  pushing  to  the  front  many  forms  of 
this  principle.  The  tendency  to  unity  is  the  characteristic  of 
the  century  ;  unity  in  science,  philosophy,  industry,  religious 
feeling  and  endeavor.  The  co-operation  of  workingmen,  to 
become  themselves  capitalists,  in  however  small  a  way,  is  not 
indeed  a  panacea  for  the  ills  of  labor.  It  is  not  likely  to 
supersede  private  enterprise.  Yet  in  spite  of  its  many  past 
failures,  and  its  comparative  present  weakness,  may  we  not 
say  with  the  Rev.  R.  Heber  Newton,  "  No  one  can  study  the 
history  of  the  movement  without  becoming  persuaded  that 
there  is  a  moral  development  carried  on,  which  will  in  some 
way,  as  not  yet  seen  to  us,  lead  up  the  organization  of 
these  societies  into  some  higher  generalization  securing  har- 
mony" ?*  No  Christian,  no  philanthropist,  can  afford,  or  will 
be  disposed  to  withhold  from  these  societies  his  warmest  sym- 
pathies, and  his  words  and  deeds  of  good  cheer.  They  are 
growing  barriers  against  the  threatening,  thundering  wave- 
crests  of  violent  revolution.  Holding  yet  the  moral  aim  of 

*  "Report  of  Senate  Committee  on  Labor,"  vol.  ii,  p.  542. 


140  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

Owen,  their  founder,  these  societies  have  abandoned  their 
founder's  method.  He  would  have  taught  men  brotherhood 
by  gathering  them  into  small  isolated  groups.  These  teach 
men  brotherhood,  while  allowing  them  to  remain  in  society, 
by  training  them  to  perform  all  social  duty.  Co-operators 
know  that  self-help  is  best  help.  They  look  for  no  Hercules 
to  undertake  the  cleansing  of  society's  Augean  stables.  They 
make  no  violent  appeals  to  legislation  in  their  solitary  in- 
terest. They  are  not  beggars  at  the  public  crib.  They  respect 
themselves.  They  know  that  the  social  regeneration  of  labor 
must  come  largely  from  labor.  They  know  that  the  divine 
law,  "Work  out  your  own  salvation,"  is  a  law,  not  for  the 
spiritual  life  alone,  but  for  the  whole  of  life,  and  that  they 
can  work  successfully,  even  amid  frequent  failure,  because 
the  spirit  and  providence  of  God  are  working  in  them  and 
with  them.  There  is  a  future  for  workingmen's  co-operation. 
The  treasuries  of  trades-unions  expending  many  thousands  on 
strikes  ;  the  more  than  $800,000,000  in  the  United  States,  de- 
posited in  savings-banks,  mainly  the  savings  of  workingmen  ; 
the  millions  that  may  be  snatched  from  the  demon  tyrant  of 
strong  drink,  as  temperance  reform,  so  grandly  fostered  by 
trades-unions  and  co-operative  societies,  shall  gather  working- 
men  within  its  clean-lipped,  clear-eyed  ranks — are  facts  which 
show  the  workingman's  capacity  for  supplying  his  own  capital 
and  turning  it,  if  he  will,  into  productive  and  profitably  distrib- 
utive channels.  The  organizing  talent,  exhibited  so  surpris- 
ingly by  the  existence  of  organized  labor,  as  a  militant  factor 
in  our  social  order,  indicates  the  workingman's  power  to  fur- 
nish his  own  leaders  and  managers  for  the  beneficent  strife 
of  peaceful  industry. 

There  is  a  future  for  co-operation.  We  bid  it  God-speed. 
We  hear  in  it,  feeble  as  may  now  be  its  voice,  a  re-echo  of  the 
angels'  carol,  "On  earth  peace,  good- will  to  men."  We  hail 
it  as  a  harbinger  of  social  progress  and  individual  weal.  Do 
we  dream  when  we  foresee  a  day  when  this  gospel,  which  co- 
operation is  preaching  in  the  workshop  and  the  market,  shall 
join  with  the  same  gospel  of  human  brotherhood  preached  in 
the  sanctuary,  and  shall  be  hearkened  to  and  believed  in,  and 
practiced  ;  and  when  this  schism  in  the  social  body  shall 
cease  ;  when  the  members  shall  have  the  same  care  one  for 


THE   CO-OPERATIVE  IDEAL.  14-1 

another  ;  and  when  workmen  shall  he  capitalists  and  capital- 
ists workmen,  and  all  men  brothers,  striving  together  for  the 
noblest  end  ?  If  this  he  dreaming  let  us  be  dreamers.  For 
we  dream  with  Christ.  We  dream  with  Paul.  We  dream 
with  the  saintliest  souls  of  all  ages.* 

Good-will  to  men  !  The  angels  sang  it.  The  manger  pro- 
claimed it.  The  cross  on  Calvary  re-emphasized  and  made  it 
the  central  power  of  history.  Good-will  to  men,  from  the 
glory  of  God  in  the  highest !  These  divine  facts,  which  have 
already  wrought  for  humanity  so  many  unselfish  lives  and  so 
much  co-operant  helpfulness,  are  not  "such  stuff  as  dreams 
are  made  of."  These  are  realities  that  have  shaped  history, 
and  that  shall  yet  govern  the  world. 

*  "  Lectures  on  Social  Questions."  By  J.  H.  Rylance,  D.  D.  New  York : 
Thomas  Whittaker,  1880,  p.  103. 


CHAPTER  X. 

CAPTAINS  OF  INDUSTRY. 

"  The  Leaders  of  Industry,  if  Industry  is  ever  to  be  led,  are  virtually  the 
Captains  of  the  world;  if  there  is  no  nobleness  in  them,  there  will  never  be 
an  aristocracy  more." — Carlyle. 

"  The  rule  now  commonly  acted  on  is  that  business  must  be  cared  for  and 
men  must  care  for  themselves.  The  principle  of  action  in  the  end  must  be 
that  men  must  be  cared  for,  and  business  must  be  subservient  to  this  great 
work." — President  Chadbourne. 

THE  idea  of  order,  or  organization,  or  co-operation,  in- 
volves variety,  diversity — not  sameness  of  endowments,  but 
distinction  of  endowments.  The  famous  phrase  of  Louis 
Blanc,  "  The  organization  of  labor,"  would  be  a  meaningless 
phrase  if  all  were  heads  or  all  were  hands,  and  if  the  heads 
were  not  allowed  to  direct,  and  the  hands  were  not  gladly 
willing  to  be  directed.  Even  democracy  can  not  get  along 
without  rulership.  Government  by  the  people,  for  the  peo- 
ple, is  yet  government.  Government  demands  executive 
functions.  Executive  functions  demand  men  who  exercise 
these  functions.  The  exercise  of  function  by  one  part  of  a 
body  demands  submission  to  such  exercise  of  function  by 
other  parts  of  the  body. 

What  executive  officers  are  in  the  State,  what  pastors, 
deacons,  teachers,  superintendents  are  in  the  Church,  what 
generals,  colonels,  captains  are  in  the  army — servants,  indeed, 
who  shall  sway  no  tyrannous  scepter  over  their  brothers,  but 
true  rulers,  leaders,  directors  also,  if  any  good  service  is  faith- 
fully rendered,  any  good  work  to  be  worthily  done — such  are 
the  organizers,  the  leaders  of  our  industrial  forces.  Whether 
we  use  the  French  word  to  describe  these  men  and  call  them 
entrepreneurs,  or,  in  Carlyle's  phrase,  entitle  them  "Captains 


TIIE  "ENTREPRENEUR."  143 

of  Industry,"  they  are  certainly  to  be  regarded  as  men  of 
special  rank,  apportioned  to  a  special  function  in  the  indus- 
trial body.  They  are  men  who  for  the  performance  of  their 
special  function  have  been  endowed  with  special  and  signifi- 
cant gifts,  and  who  by  reason  of  the  special  gifts  are  called  to 
the  diligent  exercise  of  the  special  function. 

"Captains  of  Industry" — what  is  their  place  ?  What  are 
their  duties,  their  responsibilities,  their  opportunities  ? 

This  industrial  captain,  though  he  uses  capital,  his  own  or 
that  of  other  men,  is  not  technically  a  capitalist.  Though  he 
be  a  worker — engaged  during  more  hours  and  consuming 
more  nerve  force  than  any  one  of  all  the  army  that  he 
leads — he  is  not  technically  a  workman.  Neither  capitalist, 
though  using  capital,  nor  workman,  though  himself  a  worker, 
he  stands  between  capital  and  labor,  brings  them  together, 
organizes  both.  If  he  be  a  true  and  faithful  Captain,  he 
organizes  both,  not  only  to  his  own  advantage,  but  to  the 
advantage  of  both. 

In  an  early  and  crude  stage  of  industry,  this  man  could 
not  have  been.  There  was  no  need  of  him.  But  when  indus- 
try has  become  complex,  when  no  longer  one  man  or  a  few 
men  but  a  thousand  men  are  at  work  for  the  completion  of  a 
single  product,  then  there  is  demand  for  this  Captain,  and  he 
appears.  Only  within  a  few  years  have  economic  writers  be- 
gun to  regard  him  as  having  any  separate  function,  and  as 
entitled  to  distinct  economic  treatment. 

Clear  ideas  as  to  the  nature  of  any  force  are  essential  to  a 
clear  conception  of  what  that  force  can  do  in  itself,  and  what 
it  can  accomplish  when  combined  with  other  forces.  You 
will  not  make  much  headway  in  the  solution  of  economic 
problems  if  you  confuse  this  Captain  of  Industry  either  with 
the  capital  which  he  uses,  or  with  the  labor  which  he  directs. 
You  will  make  as  little  headway  thus  as  you  will  by  confus- 
ing capital  and  labor.  Now,  the  original  fact  and  factor  in 
all  industry  is  undoubtedly  labor.  Without  it  coal  and  gold 
would  be  unmined  and  fields  untilled,  the  earth  a  waste,  and 
all  men,  if  there  were  any  men,  barbarians.  It  is  true  that 
lubor  is  the  mother  of  capital.  But  it  is  not  true  that  the  son 
once  born  and  grown  to  manhood,  is,  while  he  lives  and  acts, 
identical  with  his  mother.  And  it,  is  not  true  that  any  just 


STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

reward  rendered  for  the  separate  social  service  of  the  product 
force,  is  a  robbery  of  the  just  reward  that  may  be  rendered 
for  the  continued  social  service  of  the  originally  producing 
force. 

The  Captain  of  Industry  is  indeed  the  product  of  the  com- 
bined forces  of  capital  and  labor.  It  is  the  demand  furnished 
by  the  needs  of  these,  and  the  opportunities  furnished  by  the 
complex  modern  conditions  under  which  these  exist  and  act, 
that  make  him  both  possible  and  necessary.  But  when  once 
he  comes  into  being,  he  has  a  place  and  a  function  quite  dis- 
tinct from  the  forces  that  produced  him,  and  a  sphere  of 
enterprise  that  is  peculiarly  his  own. 

Here  on  the  one  side  is  capital.  It  is  in  various  hands. 
Wards  in  chancery,  widows,  clerks,  teachers,  editors,  work- 
ing people,  own  it.  Whether  these  owners  possess  large  or 
small  sums,  estates  inherited  or  savings-bank  deposits,  the 
most  of  those  who  possess  capital  would  not  care  to  risk  its 
loss  on  the  possible  results  of  their  own  endeavor.  Capital 
unused  rots  ;  and  those  owners  of  capital  are  in  the  main 
without  the  necessary  qualities  to  make  their  own  use  success- 
ful in  reproduction.  Here  on  the  other  hand  is  labor — the 
very  labor  that  capital  needs,  the  very  labor  that  needs  this 
capital.  But  this  labor  needs  more  than  capital,  in  food, 
shelter,  materials,  tools.  It  needs  directive  skill,  administra- 
tive headship.  It  is  well  enough  to  say  that  if  all  existing 
capital  were  destroyed,  labor  could  reproduce  it.  Possibly  : 
but  only  after  centuries  of  difficult  endeavor,  and  then  only 
as  labor  of  administration  became  an  integrant  part  of  the 
labor  force.  The  brawny  arms  and  skilled  fingers  of  a  thou- 
sand men,  each  doing  his  special  part  in  a  common  industry, 
whose  final  result  no  one  among  them  all  could  fully  foresee 
or  clearly  comprehend,  would  not  quickly  reproduce  de- 
stroyed capital  nor  wisely  use  existing  capital.  Here  they 
are,  the  capital  and  the  labor,  each  calling  for  the  other's 
help,  yet  each  largely  incompetent  to  move  toward  the  other 
without  some  directing  force,  which  neither,  in  and  of  itself, 
possesses.  And  they  both  call  loudly  for  the  director,  the 
organizer,  the  entrepreneur,  the  industrial  captain.  He  comes 
at  their  call.  With  one  hand  he  touches  the  well-laden  treas- 
ury-chest, and  barracks,  camp  equipage,  arms,  ammunition, 


THE   INDUSTRIAL  CAPTAIN.  145 

commissary  stores  exist.  With  the  other  hand  he  touches  a 
mob  of  men,  and  squads,  companies,  battalions,  regiments, 
are  formed  and  drilled.  Each  man  knows  his  own  place. 
Each  does  his  own  work.  The  fruits  of  past  labor  become  the 
food  of  the  present,  and  the  seed  of  the  future,  and  an  army 
is  organized  and  led  in  the  peaceful  conquests  of  industry. 

Who  is  this  man  ?  What  is  the  quality  of  his  endow- 
ments ?  He  has  business  talent  and  practical  skill.  He  can 
detect  what  the  community  needs,  and  how  to  satisfy  the 
need.  He  can  even  awaken  desires  where  these  do  not  ex- 
ist. He  has,  to  quote  a  French  writer,  "judgment,  good 
sense,  boldness,  decision,  a  measuring  power  cool  and  calm, 
an  intelligence  frank  and  vigilant,  little  imagination,  great 
memory  and  great  application."*  This  man  has  a  sort  of 
subtle  instinct  that  often  directs  his  movements.  He  can  not 
always  tell  you  why  he  does  this  or  does  not  do  that.  Per- 
haps he  does  not  always  himself  know  why.  But  he  acts, 
and  succeeds.  Capital  trusts  this  man.  Credit  comes  to  him. 
Labor  yields  to  his  control.  Social  loads  are  laid  upon  him. 
If  he  fails,  capital  wastes  and  labor  suffers.  He  may  be 
manufacturer,  banker,  merchant,  steamship  or  railroad  man- 
ager. But  whatever  his  special  sphere,  his  rank  is  captain 
and  his  function  organization  and  industrial  leadership. 

This  man  is  a  modern  product.  He  belongs  to  a  time — he 
can  only  be  possible  in  a  time — of  mills,  factories,  railroads  ; 
— an  age  whose  chief  industrial  characteristics  are  the  divis- 
ion of  labor  and  the  constant  tendency  to  enterprises  on  an 
enlarging  scale.  But  such  an  age  makes  this  man  a  social 
necessity,  and,  if  he  exercises  well  his  powers  of  command,  a 
social  blessing. 

No  greater  blunder  can  be  made  by  the  workers  whom  this 
Captain  organizes  and  leads  than  that  they  should  regard  him 
with  suspicion  and  envy  and  hate,  as  if  his  successes  and  re- 
wards were  somehow  acquired  at  the  expense  of  their  wages, 
and  by  wanton  robbery  of  their  rights.  Some  Captains  may 

*  M.  Courcelle-Seneuil,  "  Operations  do  Banquc,"  quoted  from  Walker 
on  "  Waycs,"  p.  252.  Mr.  Walker  has  done  more  than  any  other  American 
economist  to  put  the  entrepreneur  function  in  its  true  place.  Consult  also 
Joseph  Garnier's  art.,  "  Entrepreneur,"  Lalor's  "  Cycl.,"  vol.  ii,  p.  104. 


146  STUDIES   IX   MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

so  acquire  their  rewards,  but  they  do  it,  not  in  virtue  of  their 
functions  as  Captains,  but  because  they  are  thieves.  For  if 
all  that  contributes  to  the  production  of  value  is  entitled  to  a 
share  in  the  final  product,  surely  this  Captain  is  entitled  to  a 
share.  He  has  contributed  to  the  production  a  determinable 
element,  an  element  that  has  created  a  value,  without  which 
the  value  as  it  now  exists  never  would  have  been.  He  could 
have  done  little  without  capital  and  less  without  labor.  But 
without  him  and  his  work  capital  would  not  have  secured  so 
good,  if  any,  interest,  nor  labor  earned  so  good,  if  any,  wages. 
And  when  capital  has  received  its  share  of  the  product  in  in- 
terest, and  labor  its  share  in  wages,  the  rates  both  of  interest 
and  wages  determined  by  forces  over  which  neither  treasure- 
chest,  nor  captain  nor  soldiers  have  any  direct  control — is  it 
unfair  that  the  captain  should  receive  in  profits  a  due  reward 
for  that  element,  contributed  to  the  creation  of  value,  which 
is  peculiarly  his  own  ? 

These  captains  of  industry  are  not  a  numerous  class.* 
Men  with  the  needful  endowments  are  rare.  They  often 
spring  from  the  industrial  ranks.  They  force  their  way  up  by 
the  native  powers  within  them.  They  are  forced  up  by  the 
need  which  society  has  for  them.  The  numerous  difficulties 
that  environ  business  life  test  the  qualities  of  those  who 
would  enter  the  arena.  If  the  aspirants  can  not  endure  the 
test,  the  environment  of  difficulty  thrusts  them  aside  and  puts 
them  where  they  belong.  These  experiments  are  costly  ones. 
They  are  like  the  experiments  tried  by  our  nation  before 
Grant,  Sherman,  Sheridan,  Thomas  were  found  and  set  to  the 
task  of  leading  our  armies.  The  incompetent  employer,  man- 
ager, captain,  is,  in  industry,  what  the  incompetent  general  is 
in  war — a  source  of  incalculable  wastes  and  mischiefs.  Such 
men  continue  a  business  career  at  great  damage  to  society, 
and  at  special  damage  to  the  workmen.  And  there  are  work- 
men who  recognize  this  fact.  They  know  the  truth  of  Prof. 
Walker's  statement,  that  "bad  business  management  is  the 
heaviest  possible  tax  on  production,  and,  while  the  incapable 
employer  gets  little  for  himself,  the  laborer  loses  heavily  in 
the  rate  or  the  regularity  of  his  wages. "t  "Arbitration," 

*  Walker  on  "  Wages,"  p.  252.  t  Ibid.,  p.  255. 


THE   VALUE   OF  ADMINISTRATIVE  ABILITY.  147 

said  a  workman,  "should  require  that  this  (incompetent) 
manufacturer,  if  he  is  desirous  of  procuring  contracts  or  the 
production  of  goods  at  lower  rates  than  other  manufacturers 
would  produce  them  for,  and  desires  to  draw  his  profits  out  of 
the  laborer,  that  such  a  man,  out  of  regard  to  both  the  honest 
manufacturer  and  to  the  laborer,  ought  to  be  crushed  out  of 
the  business."  *  This  seems  a  hard  rule.  It  seems  hard  when 
those  who  have  worn  stars  or  bars  upon  their  shoulders  fall 
back  into  the  ranks.  There  is  individual  hardship,  indeed. 
But  it  is  for  the  best  welfare  of  society  that  her  industrial 
forces  should  have  the  leadership  of  the  most  competent  men. 
And  when  such  men  are  found,  no  fair  profits  are  too  large  a 
payment  for  the  rarity  of  the  talents  exhibited  or  for  the  high 
social  service  of  which  these  profits  are  at  once  both  a  token 
and  a  recompense.  Says  Guyot :  "Objectors  would  deny  to 
administrative  ability  any  claim  to  remuneration,  and  yet 
there  is  no  other  element  of  production  of  equal  value  with 
this,  inventive  ability  excepted.  .  .  .  An  invention  is  com- 
pleted so  far,  so  good ;  but  it  has  to  be  set  working.  Here 
comes  in  the  need  of  administrative  ability.  How  many  in- 
ventions have  been  long  held  back  for  want  of  the  men  fitted 
to  put  them  into  operation  ;  what  millions  of  money  wasted 
for  want  of  intelligence  in  employing  them  !  At  this  mo- 
ment there  is  available  capital  in  England,  in  France,  in 
Belgium,  in  Holland,  in  the  United  States — the  whole  world 
is  there  to  fertilize — and  yet  to  what  miserable  uses  the  money 
is  often  applied  for  want  of  administrative  capacity  in  its  pos- 
sessors !  And  this  incapacity  is  nowhere  more  marked  than 
in  the  administration  of  national  affairs.  Look  at  the  states- 
men who  have  succeeded  each  other  at  the  head  of  the  nations 
for  centuries  past  !  By  the  harm  they  have  done,  and  the 
good  they  have  not  done,  we  may  estimate  the  value  of  ad- 
ministrative capacity.  Administrative  capacity  must,  then, 
receive  remuneration,  and  large  remuneration,  in  virtue  of  its 
rareness  and  of  its  production  of  utilities.''! 

*  "  Rep.  of  Senate  Com.  on  Labor,"  vol.  ii,  p.  878. 

t  "  Prin.  of  Soc.  Econ.,"  pp.  175,  176.  "  I  think  every  man,  who  is  con- 
versant with  affairs,  will  admit  that  in  every  field  of  activity,  in  all  branches 
of  trade  and  commerce,  in  manufactures,  in  transportation  by  sea  and  land, 


148  STUDIES  IX  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

What  relation  does  this  industrial  captain  sustain,  or,  rath- 
er, what  relation  ought  he  to  sustain  toward  the  company,  or 
regiment,  or  army  of  workers  whom  he  organizes  and  directs  ? 
The  tune  was  when  the  workman  was  property.  He  was  a 
slave.  He  owed  his  master  obedience  and  service.  His  mas- 
ter owed  him  guidance,  control,  maintenance.  Then  came 
feudalism,  a  system  of  modified  slavery.  These  systems,  that 
had  in  them  many  beauties  and  suitabilities,  as  well  as  many 
brutalities,  have  gone  forever.  The  age  of  Democracy  has 
come.  There  are  many  who  resent  its  coming.  There  are 
many  who  do  not  realize  that  it  has  come.  But  let  who  will, 
resent ;  or  let  who  will,  be  ignorant ;  the  age  of  Democracy  is 
here.  The  total  revolution  in  industrial  methods  within  the 
century  is  no  more  certain  than  is  the  total  revolution  in 
social  conditions.  We  have  not  yet  seen  the  end  of  either 
revolution.  But  we  know,  or  we  ought  to  know,  that  not 
more  necessary  is  the  existence  and  service  of  the  captain  of 
industry,  in  the  present  stage  of  industrial  progress,  than  it  is 
a  necessity  that  this  captain  should  stand  to  his  workers  in  a 
relation  whose  basis  is  democracy.  Carlyle,  pleading  on  be- 
half of  workingmen,  would  have  the  old  feudal  relation  re- 
stored, and  the  rich  govern  and  protect  and  provide  for  the 
workingmen,  as  they  did  in  the  past.  But  this  can  not  be. 
The  employing  classes  will  not  grant  this  protection.  The 
employed  classes  will  not  consent  to  receive  it.  All  industrial 
conditions,  the  division  of  labor,  the  mobility  of  labor,  the 
freedom  of  labor,  are  against  the  restoration  of  such  a  rela- 
tion. All  modern  social  conditions  are  against  it.  A  man  is 
now  a  man,  not  any  more  a  master  or  a  slave,  not  any  longer 
a  lord  or  a  churl. 

There  is  surely  a  significance  in  the  historic  providence 
that  has  speeded  a  dual  revolution,  industrial  and  social, 
which,  while  transforming  the  domestic  system  of  labor  into 
the  factory  system  of  labor,  was  also  transforming  the  serf 
into  a  free  citizen.  We  can  not  go  back  to  the  middle  ages. 

in  the  army,  in  the  navy,  and  in  everything  in  which  direction  or  superin- 
tendence is  needed,  the  demand  for  presidents,  managers,  generals,  and  cap- 
tains, for  high  executive  officers  of  all  kinds,  is  deplorably  greater  than  the 
supply."— E.  L.  Godkin,  "Internal.  Keview,"  June,  18T9,  p.  688. 


DEMOCRACY  IN  INDUSTRIAL  RELATIONS.  149 

We  can  no  more  replace  the  method  of  feudalism  in  industry, 
than  we  can  re-enthrone  the  method  of  absolutism  in  govern- 
ment. The  drift  of  events — and  you  can  no  more  hinder  it 
than  you  can  hinder  the  stars  in  their  courses — is  toward 
equality,  equality  conditioned  by  justice  and  liberty,  but 
equality — not  an  equality  of  wealth  or  intellect  or  inherent 
powers,  but  an  equality  of  individual  rights  and  freedom.  No 
sane  man  will  wish  to  hinder  these  drifts.  He  will  seek  to 
adjust  himself  to  them,  and  to  direct  them  for  best,  safest,  and 
surest  social  progress. 

First  and  foremost,  then,  in  this  democratic  era,  the  cap- 
tain of  industry  must  recognize  the  true  democracy  of  all 
labor,  his  own  and  other  men's.  He  can  not  compel  men  to 
labor  for  him,  since  he  does  not  own  men.  His  relation  to  the 
workers  who  submit  to  his  direction  is  a  relation  of  free  con- 
tract, based  upon  equal  rights  of  manhood.  This  does  not 
imply  that  there  are  no  distinctions  of  rank  in  industry.  Di- 
vision of  labor,  skilled  and  unskilled  labor,  foremanships, 
superintendencies,  captaincies — all  necessary  to  any  wise  la- 
bor— imply  distinctions  of  rank.  A  citizen  soldiery  is  not  a 
mob,  but  an  officered  army,  if  any  real  soldiering  is  to  be 
done.  Yet  free  contract  between  equals  in  essential  manhood 
and  before  the  law,  is  the  only  condition  on  which  employ- 
ment can  now  be  offered  and  received.  The  captain  may  en- 
list his  men  singly  or  in  squads.  He  may  deal  with  them  as 
to  matters  of  wages  and  hours  and  conditions  of  work,  as  indi- 
viduals, or  as  represented  by  trades-union  committees.  If  he 
refuses  to  any  man  the  right  of  dealing  through  an  attorney, 
or  a  committee,  or  a  broker,  and  declares,  "I  will  deal  only 
with  men  singly,"  he  is  talking  like  a  feudal  lord,  not  like  a 
modern  captain.  You  can  not  afford  to  be  feudalists  in  the 
nineteenth  century.  If  you  do  not  decline  to  deal  with  repre- 
sentatives of  a  cotton,  or  coal,  or  railroad  corporation,  how,  on 
any  basis  of  democracy,  can  you  refuse  to  deal  with  the  repre- 
sentatives of  those  corporations  of  labor,  which  labor  has  a 
right  to  form,  believing  that  these  give  to  the  laborer  a  better 
opportunity  for  that  equality  which  it  is  his  right  to  assert  in 
dealing  with  you  ? 

The  old  union  between  leader  and  men,  a  union  based  on 
the  working-man's  dependence,  has  gone.  The  opportunity  for 


150  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

new  union,  based  on  the  workingman's  independence,  has 
come.  The  possibilities  of  the  new  union  are  deeper,  broader, 
every  way  nobler  than  those  of  the  old  one.  For  as  Arnold 
Toynbee  said,  ' '  Democracy,  to  be  praised  for  many  things,  is 
most  to  be  praised  for  this — that  it  has  made  it  possible,  without 
shame  and  without  reluctance,  to  preach  the  gospel  of  duty 
to  the  whole  people."  * 

Here,  then,  you  are,  you  captains  confronting  your  sol- 
diers, or  rather  standing  in  line  with  them  ;  they  with  their 
plain  blue  blouses,  you  with  your  insignia  of  industrial  rank  ; 
yet  both  you  and  they,  equal  citizens  of  a  free  State.  You 
have  entered  into  contract.  They  agree  to  furnish  work.  You 
promise  to  pay  wages.  You  provide  tools  and  materials.  They 
agree  to  use  tools  skillfully,  and  materials  prudently,  and  time 
industriously,  for  the  transformation  of  material  into  product. 
They  agree  to  be  directed  ;  you  to  direct.  When  you  have 
paid  fair  market  wages,  when  you  have  furnished  material, 
tools,  direction,  is  your  duty  done  ?  On  the  surface,  yes  ;  by 
the  letter  of  the  contract,  yes  ;  by  the  mere  nomination  of  the 
bond,  yes  ;  otherwise,  no.  Democracy  is  equality,  free  con- 
tract. But  Democracy  is  not  laissez-faire,  let  alone,  every  man 
for  himself.  Satanic  democracy,  the  democracy  of  the  sons  of 
Cain,  may  be  that  ;  but  Christian  democracy  is  not  that. 
Christian  democracy  involves  the  gospel  of  duty  to  be  believed 
gladly,  and  willingly  obeyed. 

But,  it  will  be  said  :  "  The  gospel  of  duty  is  one  thing,  eco- 
nomic law  is  quite  another  thing."  Not  another  thing  in  any 
world  which  a  righteous  God  governs  !  The  democratic  prin- 
ciple of  free  contract  is  no  more  carried  out  in  its  spirit  by  the 
payment  of  wages,  than  the  law  of  citizenship  is  fulfilled  by 
the  payment  of  taxes.  No  man  in  his  economic  relations  can 
violate  moral  obligations  without  doing  economic  damage. 
Morality  in  both  you  and  your  workman  is,  as  we  shall  see 
hereafter,  a  very  actual,  industrial  force.  Your  contract  to 
give  so  much  wages  for  so  much  work  does  not,  when  you 
have  kept  that  contract,  release  you  from  your  obligation  as 
men.  Rather,  the  very  existence  of  such  a  relation  as  that  of 
wage-payer  to  wage-earner,  the  director  to  the  directed,  im- 

*  "Industrial  Eevolution,"  etc.,  p.  200. 


DUTIES   OF  INDUSTRIAL  CAPTAINS.  151 

poses  upon  you  special  and  weighty  obligations  toward  those 
whom  you  pay  and  direct.  For  the  sake  of  the  economic  ends 
you  are  associated  to  promote,  these  special  and  weighty  obli- 
gations are  due  from  you  to  them.  And  whatever  be  the  spe- 
cial obligations  due  from  them  to  you,  beyond  the  diligent 
performance  of  their  appointed  tasks,  yours  are  the  higher  ob- 
ligations, by  as  much  as  your  power  is  greater  and  your  op- 
portunities larger  than  theirs. 

What,  then,  are  some  of  your  duties  under  the  new  demo- 
cratic conditions  of  labor,  and  in  your  relation  as  captain  to 
your  soldiers  of  industry  ?  Of  course,  you  are  to  be  a  wise, 
diligent,  alert  leader.  You  are  to  make  your  business  success- 
ful. This  must  be  done,  not  for  your  own  sake  alone,  not, 
least  of  all  things,  for  the  sake  of  so  much  money,  but  for 
the  sake  of  your  soldiers,  and  for  the  sake  of  society.  Your 
workmen  have  committed  their  fortunes  to  the  sagacity  of  your 
leadership,  as  well  as  to  the  strength  of  their  arms,  and  the 
skill  of  their  toil.  In  all  honest  ways  you  must  strive  to  suc- 
ceed. In  dishonest  ways  you  will  not  long  succeed.  If  you 
must  be  dishonest,  or  think  you  must  be,  you  are  incompetent 
and  weak,  and  some  industrial  mutiny  or  some  fierce  commer- 
cial battle  will  depose  you  from  command. 

The  proper  influence  of  your  duty  to  succeed,  will  lead  to 
the  recognition  of  some  other  duties,  as  essential  to  success. 
You  will  pay  good  wages,  the  best  the  conditions  of  trade  will 
allow,  and  you  will  pay  them  in  such  manner  as  will  enable 
the  workman  to  make  the  best  outlay  of  his  wages.  You  are 
not  hampered  by  any  fallacy  of  a  wages-fund.  You  know  that 
though  capital  may  make  advance  for  wages,  the  final  pay- 
ment of  wages  is  made  out  of  the  total  results  of  the  joint  pro- 
duction. You  know  that  low  wages  are  not  identical  with  low 
cost  of  production,  nor  high  wages  with  high  cost,  but  often 
the  reverse.  You  know  that  labor  underfed,  half  clad,  badly 
housed,  is  labor  inefficient,  uneconomical.  You  know  that 
ignorance,  discontent,  sullenness,  shiftlessness  are  fatal  to  best 
production.  For  the  sake  of  business  success,  to  say  nothing 
now  of  humanity  and  Christianity,  you  will  do  what  you  can 
to  reduce  these  evils  to  the  lowest  level.  To  this  end  you  will 
not  only  pay  good  wages,  the  best  you  can  afford,  while  guar- 
anteeing the  success  and  permanence  of  your  enterprise,  but 


152  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

you  will  make  all  the  conditions  of  your  work  the  "best  possi- 
ble conditions.  Good  light,  wholesome  air,  every  safeguard 
against  dangerous  machinery,  cleanliness,  neatness,  attractive- 
ness, will  characterize  your  workshops.  If  your  industrial 
camp  is  in  a  village  over  which  you  have  a  large  control,  you 
will  take  care  that  the  homes  of  your  workers  be  healthy,  con- 
venient, pleasant,  furnishing  all  the  needful  conditions  of 
wholesome  and  moral  domestic  life.  Knowing  that  ignorance 
is  the  twin  sister,  if  not  the  mother,  of  vice,  you  will  at  least 
try  to  banish  ignorance  by  technical  training  in  the  shop,  and 
outside  of  the  shop,  by  means  of  the  lecture,  the  library,  the 
school,  the  church. 

You  will  do  these  things,  not  only  as  philanthropists,  but 
as  Captains  of  Industry,  as  men  of  business,  who  in  these 
ways,  by  uplifting  the  morale  and  the  industrial  spirit  and 
capacity  of  your  forces,  will  best  insure  the  success  of  your 
enterprise.  Ay,  more,  you  will  do  these  things  in  strict 
justice  to  your  workers.  You  know  that  the  rate  of  wages, 
determined  by  supply  and  demand,  by  public  opinion,  by  the 
interacting  pressure  of  trades-unions  and  manufacturers'  asso- 
ciations, is  not  always  a  just  equivalent  for  service  rendered, 
nor  a  fair  division  of  the  final  product.  Supply  and  demand 
is  the  only  known  methoft  of  fixing  the  rate  of  wages.  But  it 
is  an  imperfect  method  at  best,  and  ought,  in  strict  justice,  as 
well  as  for  the  sake  of  best  conditions  of  production,  to  be  sup- 
plemented by  some  other  forms  of  distribution. 

There  have  been  Captains  of  Industry  who  have  recognized 
these  obligations.  There  are  yet  many  such  men.  There  are 
those  who  know  that  wages  alone  will  not  secure  the  best 
work,  and  that  other  motives  must  make  appeal  to  the  work- 
ers if  they  are  to  be  led  as  marshaled  and  enthusiastic  hosts 
in  the  most  triumphant  campaigns  of  industry.  Robert  Owen 
was  such  a  captain.  Going,  in  1800,  from  the  management  of 
the  Chorlton  Twist  Company,  of  Manchester,  to  the  manage- 
ment and  part  ownership  of  the  New  Lanark  mills,  in  Scot- 
land, he  found  a  working  force  of  two  thousand  people,  in- 
cluding five  hundred  children,  most  of  the  latter  brought,  at 
the  age  of  five  or  six  years,  from  the  poorhouses  of  Glasgow 
and  Edinburgh.  He  found  the  very  lowest  of  the  population ; 
long  hours  and  demoralizing  drudgery  ;  theft,  drunkenness, 


TRUE   CAPTAINS  OF  INDUSTRY.  153 

and  other  vices  prevalent ;  education  and  sanitation  entirely 
neglected ;  most  families  living  in  one  room.  Owen  improved 
the  houses  ;  trained  the  people  to  cleanliness,  order,  thrift ; 
established  schools ;  brought  beauty  and  discipline  out  of 
chaos  and  industrial  mutiny  ;  diffused  happiness  ;  paid  large 
dividends  ;  and  became  the  leading  and  most  prosperous  cot- 
ton manufacturer  in  the  kingdom.  Sir  Thomas  Brassey  was 
such  a  man.  Dealing  through  a  long  and  laborious  life  with 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  workmen  in  Great  Britain,  Italy, 
Canada,  Australia,  the  Argentine  Republic,  Moldavia,  India — 
he  won  their  hearts,  commanded  their  confidence,  secured 
their  obedient  work.  Sir  Joseph  Whitworth  was  such  a  man. 
It  was  to  him  that  Carlyle  wrote,  concerning  his  schemes  for 
the  benefit  of  his  workmen,  "Would  to  Heaven  that  all  or 
many  of  the  Captains  of  Industry  in  England  had  such  a  soul 
in  them  as  yours,  and  could  do  as  you  have  done,  or  could 
still  further  co-operate  with  you  in  works  and  plans  to  the  like 
effect !  .  .  .  Two  things  are  pretty  sure  to  me :  The  first  is 
that  capital  and  labor  never  can  or  will  agree  together,  till 
they  both,  first  of  all,  decide  on  doing  their  work  faithfully 
throughout,  and  like  men  of  conscience  and  honor,  whose 
highest  aim  is  to  behave  like  faithful  citizens  of  the  universe, 
and  obey  the  eternal  commandmerit  of  Almighty  God  who 
made  them."*  Sir  Titus  Salt,  of  England,  the  Krupps  of  Es- 
sen, in  Prussia,  the  MM.  Godin  of  Guise,  in  France,  were  such 
men.f  America  has  such  men,  who,  in  the  spirit  of  economic 
wisdom,  as  well  as  of  philanthropy,  have  promoted  morality, 
intelligence,  comfort,  convenience,  health,  cheerfulness,  hope 
among  their  workers,  as  essential  conditions  of  best  work. 
The  Willimantic  Thread  Company,  the  Cheney  Brothers,  the 
Cranes  of  Dalton,  the  Waterbury  Watch  and  Clock  Compa- 
nies, the  Lonsdale  Company,  and  the  Richmond  Manufactur- 
ing Company,  of  Rhode  Island,  G.  W.  Childs,  of  Philadel- 
phia, R.  H.  White  &  Co.,  Macullar,  Parker  &  Co.,  of  Boston 

*  "  The  Creators  of  the  Age  of  Steel."  By  W.  T.  Jeans.  London :  Chap- 
man &  Hall,  1884,  p.  26V. 

t  "  Social  Studies  in  England."  Sarah  K.  Bolton.  Pp.  155-174.  Article, 
"  The  Familistere  at  Guise,  France."  Edward  Rowland.  "  Harper's  Maga- 
zine," November,  1885. 


154:  STUDIES   IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

— these  are  but  representatives  of  a  large  class  of  industrial 
leaders  who,  as  individuals  or  as  corporations,  are  convincing 
their  employes  that  they  are  part  of  the  establishment,  and 
are  getting  a  fair  share  of  the  prosperity  they  help  to  promote. 
"  Statistics  will  prove,"  said  Colonel  Wright,  "  that  wherever 
the  best  intelligence  and  the  best  morality  prevail  there  will 
be  found  the  best  material  prosperity.  Right  doing  is  only 
another  name  for — in  fact,  the  best  definition  of — righteous- 
ness. And  the  endeavors  of  some  of  the  large-hearted  manu- 
facturers, we  know,  to  build  up  righteousness  are  really  con- 
verting their  counting-rooms  into  pulpits." 

I,  for  one,  believe  that,  unnamed  by  the  public  press,  there 
are  hosts  of  such  leaders.  I  believe  that  the  average  employer 
is  honestly  desirous  of  promoting  the  best  weal  of  his  workers. 
Would  that  all  were  such  !  Would  that  there  were  no  men 
who  were  tyrants  in  the  workshop  and  misers  out  of  it  ! 
Would  that  there  were  no  leaders  whose  camps  of  industry 
had  an  uninviting,  cheerless  air — as  if  the  prevailing  policy 
were  the  penny  wise  and  pound  foolish  one  of  getting  the 
most  work  for  the  lowest  returns  !  Would  that  there  were  no 
centers  of  contagion  whence,  by  contact  of  ill-used  with  well- 
used  workmen,  have  spread  into  otherwise  healthful  atmos- 
pheres the  spirit  of  discontent  and  unjust  suspicion  toward 
the  entire  class  of  employers  !  Would  that  the  innocent,  the 
noble-minded  did  not  so  often  have  to  suffer  for  the  sins  of 
their  guilty  and  petty-minded  compeers  ! 

Among  the  many  methods  that,  within  our  century,  have 
been  proposed  for  ameliorating  the  acknowledged  evils  under 
which  many  among  the  working  classes  suffer  ;  for  removing 
legitimate  or  groundless  discontent  ;  for  securing  a  wider  dis- 
tribution of  products  ;  and  so  for  promoting  larger  and  better 
industrial  results — few  methods  are  more  worthy  the  intelli- 
gent study  of  our  American  Captains  of  Industry  than  the 
form  of  co-operation  known  as  profit-sharing.  In  1834  Charles 
Babbage  had  remarked  of  what  importance  it  would  be  "if  in 
every  large  establishment  the  mode  of  paying  the  different 
persons  employed  could  be  so  arranged  that  each  could  derive 
advantage  from  the  success  of  the  whole,  and  the  profits  of 
individuals  should  advance  as  the  factory  itself  produced 
profits,  without  the  necessity  of  making  any  change  in  the 


LA   MAISON   LECLAIRE.  155 

wages  agreed  upon."*  In  1843  Carlyle  wrote  :  "A  question 
arises  here  :  Whether  in  some  ulterior,  perhaps  some  not  far 
distant  stage  of  this  'Chivalry  of  Labor,'  your  master-worker 
may  not  find  it  possible  and  needful  to  grant  to  his  workers 
permanent  interest  in  his  enterprise  and  theirs,  so  that  it  be- 
come, in  practical  result,  what  in  essential  fact  and  justice  it 
ever  is,  a  joint  enterprise  ;  all  men,  from  the  chief  master 
down  to  the  lowest  overseer  and  operative,  economically  as 
well  as  loyally,  concerned  for  it."  t  In  1842  the  Parisian  house 
decorator,  Leclaire,  attempted  Babbage's  suggestion,  and  began 
to  answer  Carlyle's  question. 

The  inspiration  of  the  French  experiment  came  from  a  Mi 
Fregier,  who,  in  1835,  told  Leclaire,  that  he  saw  no  way  of 
getting  rid  of  the  antagonism  between  master  and  workman 
except  the  participation  of  the  workman  in  the  profits  of  the 
master.  On  February  15,  1842,  Leclaire  announced  his  inten- 
tion of  dividing  among  a  certain  number  of  his  workmen  and 
employes  a  part  of  his  profits.  The  police,  the  press,  a  portion 
of  the  workmen  opposed  the  scheme  and  suspected  the  motive. 
But  when  Leclaire  collected  forty-four  participants,  and  throw- 
ing on  the  table  a  bag  of  gold,  distributed  over  $50  to  each 
man  as  his  share,  hesitation  gave  way  to  unbounded  confi- 
dence. In  1848  a  mutual-aid  society  was  established,  into 
whose  treasury  a  portion  of  the  profits  is  turned.  In  1871  all 
the  employes,  even  those  who  had  worked  but  a  few  days, 
were  admitted  to  participation.  The  mutual-aid  society,  inde- 
pendent in  management,  has  become  a  silent  partner  or  capi- 
tal owner  in  the  business  house.  The  house  has  survived  the 
death  of  its  founder.  The  annual  profits  are  distributed  as 
follows  :  "  The  two  managing  partners  receive  £240  each  as 
salaries  for  superintendence.  Interest  at  five  per  cent  is  paid 
to  them  and  to  the  aid  society  on  their  respective  capitals.  Of 
the  remaining  net  profit,  one  quarter  goes  to  the  managing 
partners  jointly,  and  another  quarter  to  the  funds  of  the  soci- 
ety ;  the  remaining  half  is  divided  among  all  the  workmen 
arid  others,  in  sums  proportionate  to  the  amounts  which  they 
have  respectively  earned  in  wages,  paid  at  the  ordinary  mar- 

*  Quoted  from  Thornton  on  "  Labor,"  p.  867. 

t  "  Past  and  Present."    London:  Chapman  &  Hall,  p.  289. 


156  STUDIES  IN   MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

ket  rate,  during  the  year  for  which  the  division  is  being  made." 
In  1882,  nine  hundred  and  ninety-eight  participants  received 
an  advance  in  bonuses  of  twenty-two  per  cent  over  their  actual 
wages.*  Leclaire's  example  has  been  followed  in  France, 
England,  and  Germany,  and  in  some  instances  in  America. 
At  Peace  Dale,  Rhode  Island,  since  January,  1880,  over  $19,000 
have  been  distributed  to  the  workers.  And  though  for  two 
years  there  have  been  no  profits  to  divide,  and  though  the 
method  of  division  is  not  as  thorough  as  it  may  be  made,  the 
company  are  satisfied  with  the  results  of  their  experiment, 
and  few  better  industrial  communities  can  be  found  to-day 
than  is  found  at  Peace  Dale.f 

What  are  the  advantages  of  such  a  system  to  both  em- 
ployers and  workmen  ?  According  to  the  testimony  of  both 
masters  and  men,  it  induces  thrift,  industry,  lessened  waste  of 
material  and  of  time,  lessened  friction  in  the  spirit  of  work, 
lessened  cost  of  supervision,  for  each  man  supervises  himself 
and  his  fellows.  It  promotes  larger  production,  with  the  same 
expenditure  of  forces.  As  to  actual  income,  the  masters  are 
as  well  off  and  the  workmen  better  off.  In  a  lithographic 
house  in  Paris,  one  workman  said  to  another,  who  had  care- 
lessly broken  a  stone  :  "  Don't  do  that  again  ;  that  costs  us  6 
francs."  On  the  Paris  and  Orleans  Fiailway,  a  profit-sharing 
company,  one  employe  rebuked  another  for  the  careless  hand- 
ling of  a  passenger's  luggage,  saying  :  "  What  are  you  about  ? 
You  will  shorten  our  dividend."  M.  Chaix,  of  the  profit-shar- 
ing Maison  Chaix,  of  Paris,  writes  :  "  Among  all  the  systems 
which  have  been  devised  in  order  to  restore  the  old  union  of 
interests  without  impairing  the  liberties  newly  conquered, 
participation  is  assuredly  one  of  the  best." 

*  "  Profit-sharing."  By  Sedley  Taylor.  London :  Kegan  Paul,  Trench  & 
Co.,  1884. 

"Inaugural  Address  at  Sixteenth  Annual  Co-operative  Congress."  By 
Sedley  Taylor.  Manchester,  1884. 

Thornton  on  "  Labor,"  p.  364,  etc. 

t  Among  other  establishments  in  which  some  form  of  profit-sharing  is 
practiced,  may  be  mentioned,  the  Philadelphia  "Ledger,"  G.  "W.  Chikls, 
proprietor;  the  "National  Baptist,"  H.  L.  Wayland,  proprietor;  the  Walter 
A.  Wood  Mowing  and  Reaping  Machine  Co.,  Hoosac  Falls,  N.  Y.  ;  the 
"\Valtham  Watch  Co. ;  the  Pillsbury  Mills,  Minneapolis,  Minn. 


RESULTS  OF  PROFIT-SHARING.  157 

Profit-sharing  teaches  men  economy,  makes  them  thrifty, 
inspires  them  with  hope,  joins  self-interest  with  common  in- 
terest, lifts  them  to  higher  planes  of  intelligence  and  morality. 
M.  Victor  Bohmert,  head  of  the  Statistical  Department  in  Sax- 
ony, after  a  careful  inquiry  into  one  hundred  and  twenty  es- 
tablishments in  different  countries,  under  different  conditions 
and  representing  different  industries,  concludes  that ' '  the  par- 
ticipation in  profits  works  well  in  almost  all  cases,  and  raises 
both  the  material  and  moral  condition  of  the  men.  The  sys- 
tem," he  continues,  "can  not  be  preached  as  a  panacea  for 
social  maladies,  or  as  a  concession  to  absolute  justice  ;  it  is 
simply  a  thoroughly  understood  system  of  wages,  the  adoption 
of  which,  hi  the  majority  of  cases,  and  according  to  the  na- 
ture of  the  employment,  may  become  as  profitable  to  those 
who  find  the  direction  as  to  those  who  find  the  labor."  * 

Captains  of  Industry,  here  is  a  field  for  great  exploits  ! 
Study  carefully  Sedley  Taylor's  book,  and,  in  the  face  of 
gravest  issues,  ask  Almighty  God  to  give  you  the  wisdom  to 
know  and  the  grace  to  do  your  duty.  Your  duty  ?  Nay, 
rather  seek  grace  to  rise  to  the  height  of  a  magnificent  oppor- 
tunity. For,  if  the  workingman's  future  is  largely  in  his  own 
hands,  it  is  largely,  also,  in  your  hands.  And  you  can  not 
separate  his  future  from  your  own.  No  easy  task,  but  a  hard 
one,  this  task  of  evolving  industrial  order  out  of  chaos,  and 
out  of  strife  bringing  peace.  But  all  noblest  work  is  hardest 
work  ;  all  worthiest  work  the  most  difficult.  You  are  bearing 
heavy  burdens.  Many  of  you  are  perplexed  in  your  con- 
science, and  sick  at  heart.  Much  business  has  been  done  by 
you  during  these  years  of  depression  at  absolute  loss,  because 
you  were  unwilling  to  see  your  armies  suffer  from  hunger,  f 

*  Quoted  from  Guyot's  "  Principles  of  Social  Economy,"  p.  209. 

"  Stock-owning  by  workmen  with  a  participation  in  management — one 
form  of  profit-sharing — gives  a  training  in  prudence,  economy  and  business 
utl'uirs.  It  changes  the  whole  current  of  the  worker's  thought  and  feeling,  and 
economic  conduct.  He  ceases  to  think  of  himself  as  a  worker  standing  over 
against  the  capitalist  employer  in  an  antagonistic  relation.  He  thinks  of  him- 
self always  as  a  proprietor,  and  dignifies  himself  as  such,  and  as  such  puts 
new  zest  into  his  work." — "  Massachusetts  Bureau  of  Labor."  Report,  1886, 
p.  234. 

t  Mills  arc,  indeed,  often  run  when  no  profits  are  made,  as  a  matter  of 


158  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

God  forbid  that  any  word  of  mine  should  increase  your  bur- 
dens or  add  to  your  perplexity !  But  there  are  new  tasks  to  be 
assumed,  and  new  questions  to  be  faced  and  solved  as  to  the 
methods  of  old  tasks.  Because  you  are  called  to  be  captains 
you  are  called  to  be  burden-bearers.  May  I  quote  to  you 
Guyot's  true  and  weighty  words  :  "  Employers  have  too  long 
regarded  the  workmen  as  their  debtors.  Already  the  reduction 
of  the  rate  of  interest,  the  difficulty  of  finding  profitable  invest- 
ments, and  the  losses  to  which  their  ventures  have  exposed 
them,  have  shown  them  that  if  they  mean  to  go  on  producing 
they  must  allow  a  larger  share  to  the  other  contracting  party. 
Their  own  interest  compels  them  to  see  that  solidarity  is  no 
empty  word."*  Of  course  those  Captains  of  Industry  whose 
only  aim  is  to  become  as  rich  as  possible,  whose  only  measure 
of  business  success  is  the  amount  of  money  stored  in  their 
own  coffers,  such  will  ' '  devote  their  lives  to  the  getting  and 
keeping  of  other  men's  earnings,"  they  will  care  little  about 
"other  men's  wants,  or  sufferings,  or  disappointments,"  they 
will  never  mind  it  ''if  their  great  wealth  involves  many 
others'  poverty."!  If  there  are  those  who  still  believe  in  in- 
dustrial aristocracy,  who  would  play  the  part  of  feudal  lords 
and  kings,  forgetting  the  return  service  that  lordships  and 
kingships  imply,  such  will  shut  their  eyes  to  all  existing  facts, 
and  to  all  emergent  duty.  But  I  do  not  believe  the  majority 
of  captains  are  such  men. 

It  is  often  discouraging  work  you  are  called  to  do.  There 
will  be  dark  moments  when  you  will  bitterly  complain  of 
your  workers.  You  will  say,  ' '  We  do  everything  we  can  for 
them,  and  they  give  us  no  credit  for  it.  They  are  an  ungrate- 
ful lot."  Ah  !  But  have  you  never  read  of  Him  who  came  to 
do  noblest  service  to  men,  yet  who  was  murdered  for  the  sake 
of  the  very  service  He  rendered,  and  who  prayed  for  His  mur- 
derers, saying,  "Father,  forgive  them,  for  they  know  not 

business  economy.  "  The  rust  of  inaction  is  a  greater  harm  to  fine  machinery 
than  the  wear  of  action.  ...  If  a  mill  can  pay  running  expenses,  there  is  less 
loss  in  paying  wages  than  by  rust  and  taxation."  Article,  "The  Problem  of 
the  Manufacturing  Town,"  "  Andovcr  Ecview,"  vol.  v,  p.  120. 

*  "  Principles  of  Social  Economy,"  p.  207. 

t  Quoted  in  "  Working  People  and  their  Employers."  By  Washington 
Gladden.  New  York:  Funk  &  Wagnalls,  1885,  p.  183. 


APPEAL  TO  CAPTAINS  OF  INDUSTRY.  159 

what  they  do  "  ?  Have  you  not  known  how  the  living  Christ 
is  pouring  His  bounties  into  men's  lives,  only  to  be  treated 
with  scorn  and  neglect,  yet  only  with  infinite  patience  to  en- 
large His  blessings  that  so  He  might  lift  men  at  last  into  a 
diviner  life  ?  Have  not  you  yourselves,  intelligent  and  well- 
to-do,  received  countless  mercies,  which  have  been  repaid  only 
by  neglect  of  thanks,  or  by  the  raising  of  your  disloyal  arms 
in  blind  and  foolish  mutiny  ?  The  serving  Christ,  rejected, 
yet  still  patiently  serving,  is  to  be  your  model  and  your  lead- 
er. Again  I  quote  Yves  Guyot :  "  In  the  first  place  the  effort'' 
— made  to  help  the  workingmen — "  is  not  collective,  it  is  iso- 
lated ;  and,  secondly,  it  is  the  tendency  of  the  workmen  to  see 
but  one  thing — the  difference  between  the  gains  of  capital  in 
a  thriving  industry,  and  the  wages  of  their  own  labor  ;  and 
they  overlook  the  fact  that,  if  their  wages  were  suddenly 
raised,  in  however  slight  a  proportion,  the  gain  might  soon 
turn  to  loss.  Besides,  they  do  not  consider  the  risk.  They  see 
the  immense  profits  made  at  a  given  moment,  but  they  can 
not  calculate  the  average  profit,  allowing  for  a  fluctuation  of 
prices.  Sometimes  they  run  up  the  cost  price — '  raw  material, 
so  much  ;  my  labor,  so  much ' — and  think  they  have  made  a 
very  close  calculation  ;  but  if  the  master's  reckoning  had  been 
no  closer,  the  works  would  long  ago  have  been  closed.  The 
workman's  ingratitude  is  not  ingratitude,  but  ignorance."* 

Captains  of  Industry,  the  task  of  elevating,  and  enlighten- 
ing, and  blessing  your  armies,  and  securing  for  them  a  wider 
distribution  of  your  joint  production,  is  difficult,  often  disap- 
pointing, but  not  impossible.  You  can  suggest  a  thousand 
questions.  You  can  raise  a  thousand  objections.  But  never, 
in  this  way,  will  you  meet  current  issues.  When  enough  men 
among  you  see  what  is  right,  and  true,  and  just,  and  resolve 
that  whatever  is  thus  right,  and  true,  and  just,  shall  be  done, 
though  mountains  of  difficulty  stand  in  your  path,  this  will 
be  done. t  "Your  gallant  battle-hosts  and  work-hosts,"  says 

*  "Principles  of  Social  Economy,"  p.  206. 

t  "  To  pay  labor  according  to  profit,  by  whatever  method  that  may  be  ac- 
complished, is  to  recognize  the  true  relationship  between  capitalists  and  labor- 
ers, which  is  that  of  common  partnership." — Professor  Henry  C.  Adams. 
Quoted  from  article,  "  Christianity  and  Wealth,"  "  Century  Magazine,"  Octo- 
ber, 1884,  p.  911. 


160  STUDIES   IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

Carlyle,  ' '  will  need  to  be  made  loyally  yours  ;  they  must  and 
will  be  regulated,  methodically  secured  in  their  just  share  of 
conquest  under  you  ;  joined  with  you  in  veritable  brotherhood 
by  quite  other  and  deeper  ties  than  those  of  temporary  day's 
wages  f"  And  again  :  "  God  knows  the  task  will  be  hard,  but 
no  noble  task  was  ever  easy."  And  again  :  "  Let  the  Captains 
of  Industry  retire  into  their  own  hearts,  and  ask  solemnly  if 
there  is  nothing  but  vulturous  hunger  for  fine  wines,  valet 
reputations,  and  gilt  carriages  discoverable  there  ?  And  thou 
who  feelest  aught  of  a  godlike  stirring  in  thee,  follow  it,  I 
conjure  thee  !  Arise,  save  thyself  ;  .be  one  of  those  that  save 
the  country  !  "  * 

Men  of  business  !  Yours  is  the  privilege  of  winning  a 
right  royal  manhood  for  yourselves  and  your  fellows.  Never 
might  such  lives  be  lived  as  may  be  lived  by  you  in  this  day 
of  grace.  Yours  is  the  privilege  of  sweetening  by  justice  and 
by  courtesy  many  a  cup  now  full  of  bitterness,  of  lightening 
many  a  heavy  lot,  of  transforming  irksome  and  degrading 
toil  into  pleasant  and  ennobling  work.  "  Your  money-mills 
of  to-day  may  be  'mills  of  God'  to-morrow, "t  wherein  you 
may,  not  grind  up,  but  produce  manhood.  Your  captain- 
ship is  conferred  for  social  weal.  Your  rulership,  if  well  and 
diligently  exerted,  is  for  all  largest  service.  For  He  who  is 
our  only  rightful  Lord  and  Master  has  said,  "Whosoever  will 
be  chief  among  you,  let  him  l5e  your  servant." 

*  Carlyle's  "  Past  and  Present." 

t  Pidgeon's  "Old  World  Questions  and  New  World  Answers,"  p.  139. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE  RESPONSIBILITIES  OF  WEALTH. 

"  If  we  command  our  wealth,  we  shall  be  rich  and  free ;  if  our  wealth  com- 
mands us,  we  are  poor  indeed." — Edmund  Eurke. 

"  They  should  own  who  can  administer ;  not  they  who  hoard  and  conceal ; 
not  they  who,  the  greater  proprietors  they  are,  are  only  the  greater  beggars, 
but  they  whose  work  carves  out  work  for  more,  opens  a  path  for  all." — R.  W, 
Emerson. 

"  Let  the  man 

Whose  eye  regards  not  his  illustrious  pomp 
And  ample  store,  but  as  indulgent  streams 
To  cheer  the  barren  soil  and  spread  the  fruits 
Of  joy — let  him  by  juster  measures  fix 
The  price  of  riches  and  the  end  of  power." — Akenside. 

To  speak  of  the  "responsibilities  of  wealth,"  is  hut  to 
speak,  in  briefer  form,  of  the  responsibilities  of  people  who 
possess  wealth.  For  wealth  is  a  mere  thing,  while  responsi- 
bility pertains  only  to  persons  or  to  a  community  of  persons. 
If  the  phrase  "The  responsibilities  of  wealth,"  or  of  the 
wealthy,  has  in  it  the  statement  of  actual  facts,  then  the 
phrase  itself  involves  some  important  particulars.  The  word 
responsibility  brings  us  at  once  within  the  sphere  of  the  con- 
science, of  the  instincts  of  right  and  wrong,  of  duty,  of  a 
standard  of  righteousness,  of  moral  law.  It  brings  us  face  to 
face  with  God,  the  supreme  standard  of  righteousness,  the 
source  of  moral  law  and  the  final  and  only  authoritative 
judge  of  our  fulfillment  of  our  obligations  or  of  our  failure  to 
fulfill  them.  To  say  that  those  who  possess  wealth  have,  be- 
cause of  this  possession,  special  responsibilities,  is  to  class 
economic  action  as  moral  action,  and  all  that  is  worthy  to  be 
called  economic  science  as  moral  science,  and  to  build  all 


162  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

action  concerned  in  the  having,  the  getting,  the  using  of 
wealth,  firmly  and  squarely  ' '  upon  the  ponderous  imperatives 
of  moral  obligation." 

To  speak  of  the  responsibilities  of  wealth  is  to  bring  wealth 
into  the  same  category  with  conscience.  And  to  bring  wealth 
and  conscience  into  the  same  category  is  to  affirm  that,  of  it- 
self, the  possession  of  wealth  is  not  incompatible  with  the  pos- 
session and  the  healthy  action  of  a  conscience.  For  if  the 
possession  of  wealth  and  the  possession  of  a  conscience  are  the 
possession  of  things  that  are  incompatible  with  one  another, 
then  a  man's  first  duty  is  to  rid  himself  of  his  wealth,  since  it 
is  his  chief  duty  to  maintain  his  conscience.  In  themselves, 
wealth  and  conscience,  wealth  and  obedience  to  the  supremest 
law  of  duty,  wealth  and  the  worthiest,  saintliest  character  are 
not  incompatible. 

This  is  no  unimportant  conclusion.  For  in  much  of  the 
thought  of  our  time  there  is  a  notion  that  the  Gospel  of  Jesus 
Christ  puts  a  premium  on  poverty,  and  that  110  man  can  obey 
that  Gospel  and  be  rich.  On  one  hand,  it  is  said,  the  Gospel 
is  true  ;  the  Gospel  condemns  riches  ;  therefore  no  man  can 
be  a  Christian  and  be  rich.  This  is  the  fallacy  of  many  re- 
ligious enthusiasts.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  said,  wealth  is  a 
necessity  to  human  progress  ;  the  Gospel  condemns  wealth  ; 
therefore  the  Gospel  does  not  meet  human  need  ;  it  is  a  foe  to 
progress,  and  therefore  it  is  not  true.  This  is  the  fallacy  of 
many  skeptics  and  materialists.  But  the  Gospel  does  not  con- 
demn wealth  as  such.  Wealth  and  responsibility,  therefore 
wealth  and  conscience,  therefore  wealth  and  highest  duty, 
therefore  wealth  and  Christ  may  co-exist.  Otherwise,  our 
phrase,  "The  responsibilities  of  wealth,"  is  emptied  of  all 
meaning. 

Wealth,  as  an  economic  word,  is  the  sum  of  all  the  objects 
of  value  which  a  man  possesses  ;  so  that  the  man  who  owns 
but  the  scantiest  furniture  of  a  hovel  has  wealth.  In  popular 
usage  the  word  means  the  possession  of  such  a  sum  of  articles 
of  value,  especially  of  money,  or  that  which  represents  or  has 
the  power  of  money,  as  is  above  the  sum  of  values  possessed 
by  the  average  man.  Such  usage  is,  of  course,  comparative 
and  indeterminate.  Every  man,  whether  he  has  much  or  lit- 
tle, is  responsible  for  the  right  use  of  what  he  has.  But  it  is 


TO  WHOM  WE  ARE  RESPONSIBLE.  163 

with  those  who  belong  to  the  five  talents  and  ten  talents  rank, 
rather  than  with  those  of  the  one  talent,  that  we  have  now  to 
deal.  "  For  to  whom  much  is  given,  of  him  shall  much  be 
required."  This  is  the  law  of  all  obligation.  The  greater  the 
power  the  higher  is  the  responsibility. 

And  first  of  all,  the  possession  of  wealth  carries  with  it  the 
duty  of  clearly  recognizing  a  responsibility  for  its  righteous 
use.  Responsible  to  whom  ?  To  men  ?  to  society  ?  Yes  :  in 
a  very  real  sense.  Wealth  is  a  social  good.  It  is  only  possi- 
ble where  society  exists.  Robinson  Crusoe  had  many  utilities 
on  his  island,  but  no  values,  no  wealth.  Society  is  a  factor  in 
the  creation  of  wealth.*  Therefore  it  is  a  judge  as  to  how 
wealth  shall  be  used.  It  may  enforce  this  judgment  in  the  way 
of  laws.  It  does  so  in  all  forms  of  taxation.  It  may  assert  this 
judgment  by  the  power  of  public  opinion.  Society  has  the 
right  to  assert  such  judgment.  It  has  the  right  to  say  that 
one  use  of  wealth  is  mean  and  another  generous,  one  use  ty- 
rannical and  another  noble,  one  use  economically  wasteful 
and  hurtful,  and  another  economically  thrifty  and  helpful. 
And  public  opinion  has  power.  It  has  again  and  again  inter- 
fered to  prevent  the  grinding  of  the  so-called  iron  laws  of  rent 
and  wages.  It  has  forced  men  to  a  considerate  regard  for  so- 
cial claims  and  social  duties,  f 

But  there  is  a  higher  and  larger  responsibility.  Whence 
came  your  wealth  ?  From  your  own  efforts  ?  From  the  efforts 
of  your  ancestors  ?  Yes.  But  who  gave  the  strength,  the 
skill,  the  opportunity,  the  material  ?  God.  He  made  all 
things.  He  owns  all  things.  The  earth  is  His.  The  plow- 
man who  breaks  the  soil,  and  the  seed  which  the  sower  sows 
therein,  the  rain  that  feeds  the  grain,  and  the  sun  that  ripens 
it,  the  forests  on  the  hill-sides,  the  coal  and  gold  in  the  mines, 
all  are  God's.  He  made  them  all.  The  strength  to  toil,  the 
genius  to  invent,  the  capacity  to  organize,  the  very  physical 
and  mental  needs  under  whose  pressure  labor  is  demanded, 
and  thrift  becomes  an  instinct,  are  God's  endowments.  So 
He  has  made  us. 

*  "  The  value  of  a  dollar  is  social,  as  it  is  created  by  society." — R.  W. 
Emerson. 

t  Walker  on  "  Wages,"  p.  363. 


164  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

Socialism  affirms  that  the  earth  belongs  to  humanity,  to 
society.  But  Christianity  goes  farther  and  affirms  that  "  the 
earth  is  the  Lord's  and  the  fullness  thereof."  And  when  we 
have  recognized  the  fact  that  the  first  title  to  ownership  is 
vested  neither  in  individuals  nor  society,  but  in  God,  then  we 
may  ask  ourselves  whether  God's  will,  as  it  is  revealed  in 
Scripture  and  in  human  history,  is  best  served  by  such  indi- 
vidual trusteeship  as  shall  both  develop  personal  manhood 
and  promote  social  weal,  or  by  a  social  ownership,  such  as 
dwarfs  manhood  and  refuses  recognition  to  any  diviner  will 
than  the  will  of  its  own  social  order.  God  is  the  owner  of  all 
wealth.* 

Whether  wealth  is  lodged  in  the  trustee  hands  of  those 
who  regard  or  disregard  the  monitions  of  conscience,  all 
wealth  exists  side  by  side  with  a  conscience,  because  it  exists 
as  the  endowment  of  a  man.  And  wherever  a  man  is,  there  a 
conscience  is.  And  wherever  a  conscience  is,  there  a  witness 
for  God  is  ;  there  God's  supreme  law  is,  there  an  inalienable, 
divine  sovereignty  of  ownership  is.  This  is  the  teaching  of 
the  New  Testament  as  to  the  right  of  property.  It  is  a  derived 
right.  It  is  an  intrusted  right.  It  is  a  right  under  God.  This 
is  the  teaching  of  all  true  ethical  and  economical  philosophy. 
A  German  defined  the  distinction  between  Communism  and 
Christianity  thus:  "Communism  says,  'What  is  thine  is 
mine' ;  Christianity  says,  'What  is  mine  is  thine.'  "  This  is 
not  the  distinction.  To  quote  an  English  writer,  "Christian- 
ity really  teaches  us  to  say,  '  What  seems  thine  is  not  thine  ; 
what  seems  mine  is  not  mine  ;  whatever  thou  hast  belongs  to 
God,  and  whatever  I  have  belongs  to  God  ;  you  and  I  must 
use  what  we  have  according  to  God's  will. '  "  t  Ah  !  this  truth 
gives  real  meaning  to  the  phrase,  "  the  sacredness  of  proper- 
ty. "  Here  is  actual  sacredness  ;  the  sacredness  of  a  right  to 
possess  securely  ;  the  sacredness  of  a  duty  to  use  wisely  ;  both 
inhering  in  the  supreme  right  and  will  of  God. 

A  very  visionary  theory  some  will  call  this — a  theory  that 
will  network  amid  the  complex  interests  and  activities  of  pro- 

*  C.  H.  Parkhurst  in  "  New  Princeton  Review,"  January,  18S6,  p.  34. 
t  "  Laws  of  Christ  for  Common  Life."    E.  W.  Dale,  LL.  D.    London : 
Hodder  &  Stoughton,  1885,  p.  35. 


WEALTH  NOT  THE  CHIEF  END  OF  MAN.  165 

duction  and  exchange.  Well,  we  read  that  when  Jesus  Christ 
taught  this  theory  of  property,  "the  Pharisees,  who  were  lov- 
ers of  money,  heard  all  these  things,  and  they  scoffed  at  Him." 
And  we  may  scoff,  too,  and  be  Pharisees  in  our  money  greed. 
But  let  us  remember  that  it  was  against  these  scoffers  that 
Christ  uttered  the  warning  parable  of  "The  rich  man  and 
Lazarus. "  And  Christ  tells  us,  in  that  solemn  word-picture, 
that  against  a  rich  man,  whose  only  crime  was  that  he  thought 
his  wealth  was  his  own  to  spend  as  he  pleased,  the  Infinite 
Love,  raised  to  the  white  heat  of  indignation,  flashed  out  in 
intolerable  displeasure  as  against  a  breach  of  good  faith,  a 
default  of  trust,  a  criminal  violence  committed  against  the 
indefeasible  divine  right  of  ownership  and  control.  The  pos- 
sessors of  wealth  are  responsible  for  their  uses  of  wealth,  first 
to  God,  and  then,  under  God,  to  society.  And  their  chief 
duty  is  to  recognize  this  responsibility. 

Again,  the  possessors  of  wealth  are  responsible  for  promot- 
ing by  precept  and  by  example,  in  their  own  social  circles, 
and  throughout  all  social  circles,  a  conviction,  fixed  and 
strong,  against  the  notion  that  the  gaining  of  material  wealth 
is  the  chief  end  of  man.  Material  wealth  is  a  good,  both  great 
and  necessary.  Man's  adaptation  to  secure  it,  indicated  alike 
by  his  needs,  his  capacities  and  his  opportunities,  and  by  the 
very  structure  of  the  earth  in  its  relation  to  man,  is  a  token  of 
the  Divine  will  as  to  his  duty  to  secure  it.  Even  large  wealth, 
in  faithful  hands,  is  a  social  blessing.  But  the  acquirement 
of  wealth  is  not  the  highest  social  good.  And  when  it  is  made 
such  highest  good,  to  be  sought  at  the  expense,  and  even  by 
the  sacrifice,  of  all  other  good,  it  becomes  a  social  curse.  It  is 
an  economic  blunder  and  fallacy  that  has  regarded  the  per- 
sonal, self-interested  gaining  of  wealth  as  the  single,  or  even 
always  the  dominant  motive  for  the  best  economic  and  indus- 
trial action.  And  the  more  careful  study  of  economic  history 
and  a  wider  generalization  of  economic  facts  are  exposing  this 
fallacy.  The  truer  political  economy  of  to-day  is  not  what 
Mr.  Mill  defined  it,  concerned  with  man  "solely  as  a  being 
who  desires  to  possess  wealth,  and  who  is  capable  of  judging 
of  the  comparative  efficacy  of  means  for  obtaining  that  end."  * 

*  Walker  on  "  Wages,"  p.  174. 


1G6  STUDIES  IX  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

Yet  there  is  probably  no  country  of  the  world  where  more 
than  in  our  own,  this  economic  fallacy  holds  the  principal 
place  as  economic  motive  and  where  there  is  such  a  debasing 
idolatry  of  wealth. 

On  the  23d  of  June,  1883,  before  the  class  of  1853,  in  the 
chapel  of  Yale  College,  President  Andrew  D.  White  delivered 
an  address  on  "  The  Message  of  the  Nineteenth  Century  to  the 
Twentieth."*  He  quoted  Guizot's  law  of  historical  develop- 
ment. Guizot  affirms  that  "in  consequence  of  the  domina- 
tion of  a  single  element  each  of  the  ancient  civilizations  either 
sank  into  immobility  as  in  Egypt  and  India,  or  was  devel- 
oped with  astonishing  rapidity  and  brilliancy,  only  to  decline 
and  decay  as  rapidly,  as  in  Greece  and  the  commercial  com- 
munities of  the  Mediterranean."  With  this  principle  as  a 
basis,  Mr.  White  shows  that  in  contrast  with  England,  Ger- 
many, Italy,  France,  where  several  ideas  have  been  dominant, 
our  own  American  civilization  has  been  controlled  by  a  single 
idea — what  he  calls  ' '  the  mercantile  spirit, "  the  desire  for 
gain-getting.  This  spirit  has  produced  our  rapid  and  brilliant 
progress,  but  if  unchecked  "  it  must  also  bring  on  afterward 
rapid  decline  and  final  sterility." 

Already  in  the  spheres  of  patriotism,  politics,  education, 
literature,  art,  religion,  even  of  industry  itself,  has  this  spirit 
begun  to  do  its  disintegrating  work.  It  has  put  United  States 
Senatorships  on  sale.f  It  has  created  our  oppressive  monopo- 
lies. It  has  given  us  the  wasteful  and  costly  misgovernment 
of  our  cities.  It  has  created  a  class  of  men  in  whom  all  finer 
traits  of  character  are  extinguished,  whose  aspirations  are 
dwarfed,  whose  sympathies  are  destroyed  ;  men  benumbed  in 
conscience,  brutalized  in  feeling,  highwaymen  and  bucca- 
neers, whose  right  is  might  and  who  know  no  law  but  the  law 
of  their  own  audacity.  It  has  set  up  a  school  where  the  phi- 
losophy of  the  Gradgrinds  is  taught,  a  philosophy  ' '  whose 
fundamental  principle  was  that  everything  was  to  be  paid  for. 

*  "  The  Irving  Library."    New  York  :  John  B.  Alden,  December  26, 1883. 

t  "  Formerly  the  United  States  Senate  was  regarded  as  conservative  in  the 
best  sense ;  now  it  is  coming  to  be  regarded  more  and  more  as  the  bulwark  of 
plutocratic  bias.  More  and  more  are  very  wealthy  men  or  their  attorneys 
securing  seats  in  the  Senate,  and  in  some  instances  by  means  that  are  suspect." 
—"Class  Interests,"  p.  33. 


PROTEST  AGAINST  MERCANTILISM.  167 

that  every  inch  of  the  existence  of  mankind  from  birth  to 
death  was  to  be  a  bargain  across  a  counter,  and  that  if  we 
didn't  get  to  heaven  in  that  way  it  was  not  a  politico-economi- 
cal place,  and  we  had  no  business  there."  * 

This  spirit  has  controlled  in  the  choice  of  occupations.  It 
has  put  educational  short-cuts  at  a  premium.  It  has  made  a 
scarcity  of  best  men  in  the  learned  professions.  Mr.  White 
tells  us  that  "the  greatest  and  most  wealthy  churches  in  the 
United  States  are  beginning  to  supply  their  pulpits  from  other 
countries.  I  can  see  various  reasons  for  this,"  he  adds,  "but 
among  these  I  see  that  the  business  spirit,  the  mercantile 
spirit,  is  drawing  our  strongest  young  men  to  professions  sim- 
ply lucrative,  "f  Against  this  spirit  the  wealthy  class  should 
set  themselves,  even  as  some  among  workingmen  have  set 
themselves — all  honor  to  them  for  it.  For  the  sake  of  coun- 
try, art,  literature,  religion,  humanity,  this  debasing  Mammon- 
ite  spirit,  this  love  and  pursuit  of  mere  gainfulness  ought  to 
be  controlled. 

None  can  exercise  this  control,  or  influence  others  to  exer- 
cise it,  better  than  wealth-owners.  So  live,  so  act,  so  speak, 
that  your  children  and  your  neighbors'  children  shall  cease  to 
believe — what  too  many  are  taught  to  believe — that  wealth, 
not  social  service  and  moral  worth,  is  the  chief  good  and  the 
chief  duty,  and  that  a  man's  life  consists  in  the  abundance  of 
the  things  that  he  possesseth.  Believe  rather,  and  act  on  the 
belief  of  the  truth  of  Mr.  White's  words  :  "  The  greatest  work 
which  the  coming  century  has  to  do  is  to  build  up  an  aristoc- 
racy of  thought  and  feeling  which  shall  hold  its  own  against 
the  aristocracy  of  mercantilism.  I  would  have  more  and 
more  the  appeal  made  to  every  young  man  who  feels  within 
him  the  ability  for  great  and  good  work  in  any  of  these  higher 
fields,  to  devote  his  powers  to  them  as  a  sacred  duty,  no  mat- 
ter how  strongly  the  mercantile  spirit  may  draw  him.  I 
would  have  the  idea  preached  early  and  late,  that  the  man 
who  has  powers  fitted  for  this  higher  service,  for  the  discovery 
or  proclamation  of  religious  truth  or  scientific  truth,  for  litera- 
ture, for  science,  for  art,  is  false  to  himself  and  false  to  his 

*   Charles  Dickens,  "  Hard  Times." 
t  "  Address,"  p.  17. 


168  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

country  if  he  deliberately  puts  his  talents  at  the  service  of  the 
mercantile  spirit."*  Men  and  women  of  wealth  !  Make  this 
public  opinion  that  shall  help  to  save  our  nation  and  our 
manhood.  Let  no  man's  money,  alone,  be  the  passport  to  your 
social  recognition  or  your  personal  friendship.  Put  the  crown 
of  your  social  honor  on  character,  on  thought,  on  intelligence, 
on  moral  refinement,  on  any  good  work  nobly  done.  Let  the 
plain  fustian  of  the  chosen,  or  compelled  poverty  of  much  of 
the  worthiest  manhood,  stand  conspicuous  for  acknowledg- 
ment amid  the  silks  and  broadcloths  of  your  better  pecuniary 
conditions.  Seek  for  your  children  careers  that  shall  develop 
and  express  character.  Save  the  nation  from  the  reproach 
and  the  degradation  of  becoming  a  nation  of  mere  shopkeep- 
ers and  money-makers.  If  God  has  given  to  you  other  ca- 
pacity than  merely  to  get  or  to  care  for  wealth,  exercise  that 
capacity. 

For,  again,  the  possessors  of  wealth  are  responsible  for  all 
service  of  society,  service  for  which  the  wealth  furnishes  op- 
portunity and  to  which  it  gives  power.  The  claims  of  this 
responsibility  are  not  fully  met  by  the  mere  use  of  wealth 
itself  for  service.  Even  the  man  who  invests  his  money  in 
industrial  enterprise  under  other  people's  management,  is 
doing  a  social  service,  though  he  lives  on  the  interest  of  his 
investment.  He  is  not  an  idler  and  a  drone.  Society  is  com- 
pensated for  the  living  it  gives  him. 

But  other  forms  of  service,  personal  service,  are  now  in 
our  thought.  Wealth-owners,  by  the  leisure  which  wealth 
affords,  are  responsible  for  using  their  leisure  for  public  weal. 
Literary  studies,  historical  investigations,  scientific  researches, 
these,  if  the  knowledge  and  the  culture  does  not  end  with  the 
man  who  gains  them,  but  if  they  are  devoted  to  the  increase 
of  common  knowledge  and  culture,  are  noble  services.  They 
who  follow  these  pursuits  are  workers.  It  is  a  crime  to  treat 
them  as  drones.*  And  what  better  work  can  be  done  for 
society  than  that  those  to  whom  God  has  given  capacity,  and 

*"  Address,"  p.  19. 

t  "  Without  a  class  free  from  the  immediate  care  of  material  maintenance, 
all  the  other  higher  concerns  of  society,  art,  science,  and  education,  would 
languish  or  perish." — Mofiat,  "Economy  of  Consumption,"  p.  489. 


THE   USE   OF  WEALTH  AS   CAPITAL. 

through  wealth  has  given  leisure,  should  devote  themselves 
to  some  of  the  social  and  economic  and  political  questions 
wherein  light  and  the  comparison  of  facts,  and  the  weighing 
of  principles,  and  the  molding  of  public  opinion  are  so  greatly 
needed,  lest  in  our  blind  ignorance,  or  our  selfish  indifference, 
the  cross-currents  of  these  unsolved  or  wrongly  solved  pressing 
questions,  whirl  us  into  the  vortex  of  violent  and  ruinous  revo- 
lution ? 

Then,  too,  there  is  work  to  be  done  in  lines  of  moral,  social, 
and  political  reform,  and  philanthropic  endeavor — work  which 
shall  take  the  workers  out  of  the  library,  into  the  rush  of  pub- 
lic conflict  and  into  scenes  of  suffering  and  shame — work  to 
which  people  of  wealth  may  reasonably  devote  themselves. 
When  the  late  Prof.  George  I.  Chace,  of  Brown  University, 
relinquished  the  toils  of  his  college  workshop,  he  did  not"  go 
into  a  luxurious  idleness.  He  gave  the  strength  of  his  ripened 
powers  and  the  wisdom  of  his  matured  experience  to  the  care 
of  the  sick,  the  rescue  of  the  vicious,  and  the  reform  of  the 
criminal.  The  heir  to  large  possessions,  who  leaves  the  pro- 
ductive management  of  his  estate  to  other  hands,  and  gives 
his  gratuitous  labor  to  securing  justice  for  the  red  man,  as  the 
Secretary  of  the  Indian  Rights  Association,  is  not  a  social 
sponge,  but  a  producer  of  moral  weal,  whose  example  may 
well  inspire  the  emulation  of  other  rich  young  men. 

Again,  the  possessors  of  wealth  are  responsible  not  only 
for  rendering  to  society  such  personal  service  as  their  wealth 
specially  fits  them  to  render,  but  also  for  rightly  using  the 
wealth  itself.  The  use  of  wealth  as  capital  is,  in  itself,  a  pub- 
lic service,  if  the  results  of  the  use  be  a  social  good.  There 
are  some  workingmen  who  declaim  against  capital  and  capi- 
talists. But  intelligent  workingmen  do  not  join  in  such 
declamation.  They  know  that  the  amount  of  capital  seeking 
employment,  and  the  demand  for  labor  seeking  opportunity, 
are  in  very  essential  relations.  Bank  balances,  savings-bank 
deposits,  all  forms  of  wealth  that  can  be  turned  to  productive 
use,  are  in  themselves  the  helpers  of  labor.  That  the  monop- 
olist may  borrow  the  savings  of  the  workman,  and  turn  them 
into  an  instrument  for  his  oppression,  and  for  unduly  raising 
the  prices  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  is  an  incidental  mischief, 
not  any  true  economic  element  in  the  relation  between  capi- 

8 


170  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

tal  and  labor.  That  capital  often  grasps  an  undue  share  of 
the  joint  product  is  a  wrong  to  be  righted — not  any  real  part 
of  the  lawful  function  of  capital  itself. 

The  man  who,  by  his  use  of  capital,  either  in  large  or  small 
sums,  either  under  his  own  management  or  the  management 
of  some  chosen  captain  of  industry,  turns  all  possible  wealth 
into  some  form  of  productive  capital,  and  who  thus  fosters 
enterprise,  stimulates  production,  enlarges  the  demand  for 
labor,  and  increases  its  reward,  both  in  the  increase  of  nomi- 
nal wages  and  in  the  advance  of  the  purchasing  power  of 
wages,  by  the  cheapening  of  the  cost  of  necessaries — such  a 
man  is  a  useful  public  servant.  In  other  respects  he  may  be  a 
tyrant  and  a  curse,  but  in  this  respect  he  is  a  benefactor.  If 
for  the  average  needy  man,  the  best  of  all  charity  is  such  help 
as  will  enable  him  to  supply  his  own  needs,  then  he  who  aids 
production  by  his  use  of  capital — even  when  that  use  brings 
gain  to  the  user — is  performing  the,  in  itself,  noble  service 
of  furnishing  to  needy  men  the  opportunity  for  self-help. 
And  when  we  know  the  relations  of  wealth  as  capital  to  the 
material,  and  even  to  higher  forms  of  social  advantage,  we 
are  sure  that  by  both  moral  and  economic  principle  this 
method  of  using  wealth  is  one  of  the  chief  ways  of  meeting 
the  responsibilities  of  wealth. 

This  responsibility  implies  that  personal  consumption  of 
wealth  shall  not  diminish  needlessly  the  productive  power  of 
wealth.  Take  what  is  called  dead  capital.  There  are  huge 
dwellings,  piles  of  brick  and  timbers,  out  of  all  proportion  to 
the  possible  occupancy  of  the  present  or  any  future  owners — 
dead  capital,  that  when  it  has  once  fed  and  clothed  the  work- 
men who  constructed  the  dwellings  has  ceased  to  be  of  pro- 
ductive service.  There  are  vast  areas  of  vacant  land,  earning 
no  income,  growing  no  crops,  hindrances  to  communal  pros- 
perity, making  all  land  more  costly,  rendering  healthy  homes 
for  the  less  fortunate  classes  impossible  or  too  costly,  keeping 
out  of  productive  use  the  money  for  which  the  land  would 
sell  or  lease — dead  capital,  and  quite  stenchful,  too,  in  the 
nostrils  of  all  sound  economic  principle.*  There  is  extrava- 

*  Holding  city  lots  for  speculative  purposes  oufjht  to  be  prevented  by  the 
str.te.  In  Neufchatel,  the  city  has  taken  possession  of  the  ground,  and  leases 


ON  LUXURIOUS  EXPENDITURE. 

gant  expenditure  for  costly  jewels  and  dress,  and  equipage 
and  entertainments,  extravagance  arising  out  of  vanity,  or 
sensuality,  or  love  of  adornment,  resulting  in  dead  or  squan- 
dered capital.  We  are  not  ascetics.  We  are  not  called  to  live 
in  cells,  to  wear  serge  shirts,  to  eat  black  bread  and  broth. 
The  instinct  of  beauty  is  a  divinely  given  instinct.  When  a 
man  can  surround  himself  with  such  attractive  forms  of  house- 
hold and  personal  adornment  as  shall  develop  the  inward 
beauty  of  his  life,  and  render  him  a  better  servant  to  humanity, 
he  has  the  right  and  the  duty  of  such  surroundings.  Sumptu- 
ary laws  have  always  been  a  failure.  Human  nature  can  not 
endure  them.  We  would  not  seek  their  enactment.  But  when 
we  condemn  the  wasteful  vanity  of  Cleopatra  for  drinking 
pearls,  or  of  Heliogabalus  for  feasting  upon  nightingales' 
tongues,  are  we  sure  that  we  are  not  under  the  same  condem- 
nation ?  Social  festivity  has  its  true  place  in  our  life.  But 
can  there  not  be  as  much  real  social  festivity  at  our  inexpen- 
sive afternoon  teas — blessed  be  the  inventor  of  them  ! — as  at  an 
all-night  entertainment  that  costs  thousands  of  dollars,  "  and 
leaves  nothing  but  withered  flowers,  rumpled  vanities,  de- 
ranged stomachs  and  overtaxed  nerves  ? "  It  will  be  said,  all 
these  things  furnish  work.  Yes  ;  so  does  a  conflagration.  An 
uncle  of  J.  B.  Say,  the  French  economist,  broke  his  wine-glass 
after  dining,  remarking  "The  world  must  live."  Say  won- 
dered "  why  he  did  not  break  the  rest  of  his  furniture  for  the 
benefit  of  the  world's  workmen. "  That  a  product  wears  out 
prematurely,  and  must  be  replaced,  is  no  industrial  benefit ;  no 
more  is  extravagant  expenditure.  It  furnishes  immediate  em- 
ployment. But  it  stops  there.*  If  the  mere  furnishing  of 
work,  without  reference  to  the  continued  productiveness  of 
that  work,  be  an  end  to  be  sought,  then  Nero  fiddling  while 
Home  was  burning,  and  the  cow  kicking  over  the  lantern  in 
the  Chicago  shed  and  setting  the  city  ablaze,  were  inspired  by 
true  economical  principles.  "The  real  question  to  be  consid- 

it,  on  penalty  of  forfeiture,  only  on  condition  that  buildings  shall  be  erected 
on  it. 

*  Even  in  furnishing  immediate  employment  there  is  only  a  transfer  of  em- 
ployment. The  money  that  replaces,  through  labor,  a  broken  pane  of  glass, 
would  be  more  beneficial  to  labor  at  large  if  expended  in  purchasing  a  pair  of 
shoes.  Needless  labor  lu  social  loss. 


172  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

ered  in  discussing  the  ethics  of  luxury,"  said  Laveleye,  "is,  is 
it  useful  ?  "  "  We  may  consider  luxury,"  he  continues,  "from 
three  points  of  view  :  First,  from  the  moral  point,  as  concern- 
ing the  individual  :  within  what  limit  is  the  perfect  satisfac- 
tion of  wants  useful  in  the  normal  development  of  the  human 
faculties  ?  Second,  from  the  economical  point  :  to  what  ex- 
tent is  luxury  a  help  or  hindrance  to  the  increase  of  weath  ? 
Third,  from  the  point  of  right  and  justice  :  is  luxury  com- 
patible with  the  equitable  division  of  products  and  with  the 
general  principle,  that  the  remuneration  of  each  person  ought 
to  be  proportional  to  the  amount  of  useful  labor  he  has  per- 
formed ? "  *  No  wealth-owner  has  a  moral  or  an  economic 
right  to  slay  or  to  consume  more  than  is  needful  for  the  health- 
ful satisfaction  of  reasonable  wants.  For  he  is  bound  so  to 
use  his  total  wealth  as  to  lift  up  to  higher  levels  the  capacity 
of  average  men  to  procure  not  only  the  necessaries,  but  some 
of  the  finer  gratifications  of  life. 

Again  :  beyond  the  responsibility  for  promoting  produc- 
tion, and  for  refraining  from  euch  a  burial  or  destruction  of 
wealth  as  will  prevent  it  from  continuing  as  capital,  the  pos- 
sessors of  great  wealth  are  responsible  for  the  philanthropic 
use  of  wealth  in  the  promotion  of  general  social  weal.  What- 
ever enlarges  intelligence  and  morality,  enlarges  manhood. 
Whatever  enlarges  manhood,  enlarges  industrial  power  and 
productive  results.  Schools,  colleges,  free  libraries,  free  lect- 
ures, rational  amusements,  playgrounds  for  children,  churches 
as  schools  for  moral  training,  enlarge  manhood  by  enlarg- 
ing intelligence  and  morality,  and  so  enlarge  productive  re- 
sults. And  these  industrial  results  in  turn,  rightly  distributed, 
furnish  enlarging  conditions  for  enlarging  manhood.  Much 
as  we  may  and  should  increase  the  functions  and  the  duties  of 
the  State  in  reference  to  all  these  interests — except  as  regards 
the  work  of  the  Church — a  great  field  will  yet  remain  for  pri- 
vate enterprise,  both  individual  and  combined.  Are  there  no 
men  and  women  whose  duty  it  is  to  endow  chairs  in  our  acad- 
emies and  colleges?  Are  there  none  who,  while  the  State  lags, 
can  establish  schools  where  boys  can  be  taught  trades,  and 

*  Himile  de  Laveleye,  Art.  "Luxury."  "Popular  Science  Monthly," 
March,  1881,  p.  676. 


THE  PHILANTHROPIC  USE  OF  WEALTH.  173 

girls  both  trades  and  the  art  of  housekeeping  ?  Are  there  no 
men  or  women  who  can  build  noble  monuments  for  them- 
selves, and  render  vast  social  service,  even  to  yet  unborn 
myriads,  by  establishing  and  equipping  public  libraries,  or  by 
providing  Young  Men's  Christian  Associations  with  perma- 
nent homes  ?  Are  there  none  who  will  do  what  Peter  Cooper 
did  for  New  York,  and  Enoch  Pratt  for  Baltimore,  and  what 
George  Peabody  did  for  a  multitude  of  cities  in  this  country 
and  in  Europe  ?  Do  God,  and  righteousness,  and  honest  con- 
sciences rule  among  our  people  of  wealth  ?  Or  do  Mammon, 
the  devil,  selfishness,  debauched  consciences  rule  among  too 
many  of  them  ?  No  man  may  dictate  to  its  possessors  as  to 
the  special  methods  for  the  philanthropic  use  of  wealth.  There 
is  impertinent  assumption,  often  displayed  by  those  who,  repre- 
senting public  schemes,  stand  at  rich  men's  doors  with  an  air 
that  says  :  Your  wealth  is  bound  to  be  put  at  our  disposal. 
But  every  rich  man  is  under  obligation,  social  and  divine,  to 
be  a  philanthropist  as  well  as  a  producer,  and  to  guide  his 
philanthropic  as  well  as  his  productive  action  by  the  soundest 
economic  and  moral  principles.  There  is  division  of  labor 
here  as  well  as  elsewhere,  and  every  man  must  decide  on  his 
own  conscience  and  before  God  how  he  may  most  usefully  be- 
stow his  wealth.  But  he  ought  to  decide,  and  he  ought  to 
bestow  according  to  his  ability.  Art  galleries  may  be  erected 
and  furnished.  The  Cleveland  experiment,*  of  providing  the 
people  with  wholesome  amusement  and  with  attractive  in- 
struction, overcoming,  by  good,  the  evil  of  frivolous  and  debas- 
ing amusement,  may  be  repeated  in  all  our  cities.  Companies 
can  be  organized  that  shall  provide,  for  workmen,  decent 
homes  at  moderate  rentals  ;  or  that  may  aid,  with  counsel  and 
capital,  co-operative  enterprises  which  workmen  direct.  Here 
are  fields  where  surplus  wealth  may  produce  large  social  har- 
vests. In  these  directions  the  perplexing  question  as  to  lucra- 
tive investments  may  find  solution. 

The  world  has  had  men  who  have  done  such  noble  deeds. 
It  has  to-day  very  many  who  are  doing  them.  Poor  men  pass 
their  elegant  homes  with  never  a  throb  of  envy.  Mountains 
they  are  in  the  social  world.  Round  their  heads  no  terrors 

*  "Century  Magazine,"  January,  1885,  p.  390. 


STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

flash.  Down  their  sides  no  avalanches  thunder.  They  are — 
to  adapt  Raskin's  words — pure  and  white  hills  near  to  the 
heavens,  and  sources  of  good  to  earth,  the  appointed  memo- 
rials of  that  light  of  God's  mercy  that  fell,  snow-like,  on  the 
Mount  of  Transfiguration.*  Would  that  all  were  such  !  Would 
that  there  were  none  who  are,  or  are  growing  rich,  and  who 
are,  or  are  growing  mean  !  Would  that  there  were  none  who, 
surrounded  by  huge  sepulchres  full  of  dead  capital — emphasiz- 
ing and  manifesting,  by  their  wasteful  and  demonstrative  ex- 
travagances, the  vast  gulf  between  those  who  have  and  those 
who  have  not — are  feeding  the  flames  of  Socialism  and  mak- 
ing it  an  increasing  power  and  peril !  Would  that  there  were 
none  who,  like  Silas  Marner,  the  weaver,  have  forgotten  the 
purpose  of  wealth,  and  have  come  to  love  it  for  its  own  sake ! 
"The  weaver's  hand  had  known  the  touch  of  hard-won  money 
even  before  the  palm  had  grown  to  its  full  breadth.  For 
twenty  years  mysterious  money  had  stood  to  him  as  the  sym- 
bol of  earthly  good  and  the  immediate  object  of  toil.  He  had 
seemed  to  love  it  little  in  the  years  when  every  penny  had  its 
purpose  for  him  ;  for  he  loved  the  purpose  then.  But  now, 
when  all  purpose  was  gone,  that  habit  of  looking  toward  the 
money  and  grasping  it  with  a  sense  of  fulfilled  effort,  made 
a  loam  that  was  deep  enough  for  the  seeds  of  desire  ;  and  as 
Silas  walked  homeward  across  the  fields,  in  the  twilight,  he 
drew  out  the  money  and  thought  it  was  brighter  in  the  gath- 
ering gloom. "t  Would  that  there  were  none  like  him,  men 
for  whom  money  has  ceased  to  have  a  noble  purpose  or  for 
whom  it  never  had  such  purpose  !  Would  that  there  were 
none  who  were  moral  Saharas,  sucking  into  their  absorbing 
sands  all  social  sunshine  and  rain,  but  returning  only  the  blis- 
tering simooms  of  their  desolating  greed! 

Brave  and  true  were  the  words  spoken  by  President  White 
concerning  such  as  these  :  "I  might  remind  you  that  nothing 
is  so  sure  to  bring  on  social  disintegration  as  the  senseless  lux- 
ury or  crude  selfishness  of  great  millionaires.  The  only  thing 
that  makes  great  millionaires  tolerable  in  society  is  the  noble 

*  "  Modern  Painters."  New  York  :  Wiley  &  Halstead,  1858,  vol.  iv,  p. 
375. 

t  George  Eliot's  "  Silas  Marner." 


WHEN  WEALTH  IS  A  SOCIAL  DANGER.  1Y5 

expenditure  of  their  money.  Millionaires  who  simply  accu- 
mulate to  the  end  of  their  days  are  mere  fatty  tumors  on  the 
body-politic  ;  millionaires  who  set  an  example  of  senseless 
luxury  are  simply  cancers."  *  What !  Cancers  ?  Why,  is  it 
not  true  that,  unless  a  man  makes  his  capital  dead  capital,  or 
huries  it  in  the  ground,  taking  out  from  time  to  time  enough 
to  live  upon,  he  must  render  to  society  at  least  some  form  of 
productive  service  ?  Yes,  this  is  true.f  But  it  is  also  true  that 
this  service  may  be  rendered,  not  for  the  sake  of  the  service, 
but  exclusively  for  the  sake  of  winning  the  reward  in  pe- 
cuniary gain  which  such  service  brings.  And  while  society 
must  have,  and  is  benefited  by,  the  service,  it  is  the  motive 
which  prompts  to  the  service  that  ennobles  or  degrades  the 
man  who  renders  it.  And  degradation  of  the  servant  means 
degradation  of  those  who  are  served.  No  man  of  large  wealth 
can  satisfy  a  generous  nature  or  an  honest  conscience  by  mere 
service  in  production.  If  the  exigencies  of  business  will  not 
permit  any  withdrawal  of  capital  for  philanthropic  enterprise, 
then  let  him  curtail  luxurious  personal  expenditure  for  the 
sake  of  such  enterprise.  No  man,  without  leaving  a  stain 
upon  his  memory,  can  die  rich,  unless  he  has,  either  during 
his  life  or  by  will  at  his  death,  benefited  society  in  other  than 
industrial  ways.  No  man  can  hope  to  escape  the  awful  perils 
of  greed  and  oppression,  and  all  low  trickeries  and  dishonest- 
ies which  compass  the  path  of  the  getting  and  the  care  of 
wealth,  except  by  putting  himself  strongly,  by  means  of  his 
money,  into  the  moral,  intellectual,  spiritual  life  of  his  com- 
munity and  his  time. 

"Charge  them,"  said  the  inspired  Paul,  "charge  them 
that  are  rich  in  this  world,  that  their  trust  be  not  in  wealth, 
but  in  God,  and  that  they  do  good,  that  they  communi- 
cate— that  is,  have  large  sympathies — that  heart  and  hand 
alike  train  wealth  to  noble,  social,  human  uses  ! "  J  It  is 
for  you  and  such  as  you  this  broad  land  over,  to  say  whether 

«  "  Address,"  p.  13. 

•f  There  is  a  use  of  capital  that  seems  productive  while  it  Is  really  destruc- 
tive. The  world  would  have  been  richer  if  some  capitalists  of  this  sort  had 
never  existed.  These  men  are  enemies  of  all  social  weal.  No  sanction  is 
given  to  their  use  of  capital. 

J  Paraphrased  from  1  Timothy,  vi.  17-19. 


176  STUDIES  IN   MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

increasing1  wealth  shall  curse  or  bless  us,  degrade  or  ele- 
vate us.  It  is  for  you  to  say  whether  the  stains  of  injus- 
tice and  oppression  shall  he  taken  from  your  capitalism  ; 
whether  selfishness  shall  he  turned  into  an  enlightened  self- 
love,  sweetened  and  made  tender  and  righteous  by  a  Christian 
regard  for  others'  rights  and  a  Christian  sympathy  for  others' 
needs  ;  whether  education,  art,  morality,  religion,  and  a  wider 
distribution  of  all  industrial  benefits  shall  raise  the  masses  of 
humanity  to  higher  levels  of  character  and  condition  !  What 
will  you  say  ?  What  will  you  do  ?  How  will  you  treat  your 
noble  trust  ?  How  will  you  meet  your  supreme  responsibility 
to  society  and  to  God  ? 

You  can  not  meet  this  responsibility  by  communistic  dis- 
tribution. Neither  God  nor  best  social  interest  call  you  to 
that.  That  is  the  coward's  refuge,  when  he  dare  not  face  the 
world  and  duty.  You  can  not  meet  your  responsibility  by 
miserliness  or  misanthropy.  Only  a  devil  in  your  hearts  will 
summon  you  to  that.  You  can  meet  responsibility  only  by  an 
honest  administration  of  your  wealth  as  a  trust  given  you  for 
the  worthiest  social  ends. 

Hear  a  Chicago  business  man,  Mr.  Franklin  McVeagh, 
speaking  to  his  fellows  at  the  Commercial  Club,  of  Boston  : 
u  Democracy,  after  all,  is  not  more  a  governmental  revolution 
than  it  is  a  social  revolution.  The  greatest  concession,  it 
seems  to  me,  that  will  be  demanded  of  wealth  by  democracy — 
a  concession  that  will  answer  the  demands  of  progress  as  well 
— will  be  the  frank  acknowledgment  of  a  moral  trusteeship,  of 
a  moral  obligation  to  freely  use  surplus  wealth  for  the  general 
good.  Happy  the  necessity,  beneficent  the  tyranny  that  will 
thus  rule  trade  and  wealth  to  their  own  glorious  enfranchise- 
ment! .  .  .  Once  inspire  trade  with  such  an  aim,  free  wealth 
from  its  spiritual  bondage  through  this  great  ideal,  give  to  all 
the  pursuits  of  business  such  a  right  royal  sanction,  that  they 
shall  take  rank  and  dignity  with  all  the  work  that  is  done  for 
humanity  in  its  best  estate,  with  poetry,  with  every  form  of 
literature,  with  every  form  of  art,  with  statesmanship,  with 
apostleship — Crcesus  hugging  his  millions  to  his  bosom  as  his 
own,  in  the  narrow  sense  of  ownership,  rejecting  the  idea  of 
trusteeship,  will  be  overwhelmed  in  the  rush  of  the  current  of 
modern  ideas.  Croesus  accepting  the  idea  of  trusteeship  will 


THE  RESPONSIBILITIES  OF  WEALTH.  177 

be  the  new  force  in  civilization  for  which  the  world  is  wait- 
ing."* Are  not  such  words  an  echo  of  the  New  Testament 
teaching  ?  Are  they  not  rays  from  Jesus  Christ,  the  light 
of  men  ?  Well  says  the  editor  of  the  "Century,"  "such  a 
recognition  of  moral  trusteeship  will  pluck  the  sting  from 
Socialism  and  save  to  the  world  the  fruits  of  enterprise."! 
Thus  only,  O  men  of  wealth,  can  you  meet  your  responsibil- 
ity, by  rendering  unto  God,  through  rendering  unto  society, 
proportionate  return  for  the  benefits  you  have  received  and  for 
the  talents  with  which  you  have  been  intrusted. 

*  Quoted  from  the  "  Century  Magazine,"  December,  1885,  p.  38. 
t  December,  1885,  p.  38. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

PERSONAL  MORALITY  AN  INDUSTRIAL  FORCE. 

"  Godliness  is  profitable  unto  all  things,  having  promise  of  the  life  that 
now  is,  and  of  that  -which  is  to  come." — The  Apostle  Paul* 

"  Think'st  thou  there  is  no  tyranny  but  that 
Of  blood  and  chains  ?    The  despotism  of  vice — 
The  weakness  and  the  wickedness  of  luxury — 
The  negligence — the  apathy — the  evils 
Of  sensual  sloth — produce  ten  thousand  tyrants 
Whose  delegated  cruelty  surpasses 
The  worst  acts  of  one  energetic  master 
However  harsh  and  hard  in  his  own  bearing." 

— Byron? »  "  Sardanapalus." 

"  Just  try  for  a  day  or  so  to  think  of  all  the  odd  jobs,  as  to  be  done  well 
and  truly  in  God's  sight,  not  just  slurred  over  anyhow,  and  you'll  go  through 
them  twice  as  cheerfully,  and  more  efficiently." — Mrs.  Gaskell. 

WE  consider  godliness  as  it  is  related  to  our  earthly  life. 
We  consider  it  as  still  further  limited  in  its  relation  to  some 
of  the  industrial  features  of  the  earthly  life.  Though  the 
principles  presented  concern  all  who  have  any  part  in  the 
world's  work,  these  principles  are  especially  addressed  to 
workingmen,  distinctively  so  called.  Godliness  means  liter- 
ally piety  or  reverence  for  God.  But  without  doing  violence 
to  this  literal  sense,  we  may  take  godliness  as  meaning  the 
sum  of  all  right  moral  actions,  among  which  reverence  for 
God  is  the  highest  action  and  the  ground  motive  for  all  other 
right  action.  For  this  English  word  godliness  is  really  God- 
likeness.  A  goodly  man  is  a  Godlike  man — that  is,  a  man 
who,  under  his  conditions  and  relations,  acts  in  a  way  most 

*  1  Timothy,  iv,  8. 


MORALITY   DEFINED.  179 

like  that  in  which  God  acts  under  his  conditions  and  rela- 
tions. Godliness  is  righteousness — that  is,  it  is  the  highest 
morality.  There  is  a  sense  in  which  we  use  the  word  mo- 
rality considered  apart  from  religion  and  God,  and  I  shall  so 
use  it  in  this  chapter.  But  this  sense  is  always  really  related 
to  God.  If  moral  action  is  not  hased  on  religion,  it  always 
feels  the  influence  of  religion  in  the  moral  standard  which  re- 
ligion has  set  up  in  the  common  social  conscience — a  standard 
by  which  even  the  irreligious  personal  conscience  judges  it 
self  and  is  itself  judged  by  others. 

Of  all  highest  morality,  God  is  the  source  and  sanction. 
He  is  the  source  and  sanction  of  anything  other  than  the 
highest  that  is  worthy  to  be  called  morality,  even  though  the 
doer  of  the  act  may  neither  recognize  nor  regard  God.  An 
action  is  not  right  because  it  is  useful  ;  it  is  useful  because  it 
is  right.  It  is  right  for  you  to  do  this,  it  is  wrong  for  you  to 
do  that,  because  by  virtue  of  the  eternal  principle  of  righteous- 
ness which  is  the  character  of  God  for  you  here,  now,  in  your 
present  circumstance,  this  is  right  and  that  is  wrong.  That 
God  is  the  source  and  sanction  of  all  true  moral  action,  is  a 
fact  assumed  and  affirmed,  rather  than  a  fact  now  to  be 
argued. 

Whether  God  be  recognized  or  not  in  the  action,  whether 
morality  finds  in  piety  both  its  root  and  its  fruit,  or  sustains 
no  relation  to  piety  ; — all  moral  action  is,  so  far  as  it  is  moral 
action,  righteous,  and  like  God,  and  the  man  in  respect  to 
that  action  is  godly.  Moral  action,  that  does  not  regard  God, 
is,  however,  not  entitled  to  be  regarded  as  godly  in  any  but 
an  inferior  and  accommodated  sense. 

Morality,  whether  determined  by  the  public  opinion  that  is 
dominated  by  the  thought  of  God,  or  by  the  personal  con- 
science controlled  by  reverence  for  God,  has  promise  of  the 
life  that  now  is.  And  the  degree  in  which  the  promise  Is 
realized  Is  in  proportion  to  the  degree  in  which  the  morality 
of  action  is  attained.  This  does  not  mean  that  the  most  moral 
man  will  be  the  richest  man  ;  but  that  the  man  who,  accord- 
ing to  his  capacity  and  in  his  relations,  acts  according  to  the 
highest  principles  of  moral  obligation,  will,  on  the  whole,  ac- 
complish the  most  with  his  capacity  and  do  the  best  that  is 
possible  in  his  relations.  How  can  it  be  otherwise  ?  The  uni- 


180  STUDIES  IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

verse  is  not  split  in  twain.  There  are  not  two  sets  of  laws, 
one  for  the  visible,  the  other  for  the  unseen  universe  ;  one  for 
the  life  that  now  is,  the  other  for  that  which  is  to  come. 
There  is  one  set  of  laws  ordained  out  of  the  one  changeless 
character  of  the  one  God.  Wherever  man,  a  moral  being, 
with  a  conscience,  a  will,  a  responsibility,  comes  into  relation 
to  the  material  world  and  its  laws,  his  action  on  the  material 
world  is  moral  as  well  as  material  action,  because  it  is  the 
action  of  a  being  who  is  under  moral  law.  Hence  an  inten- 
tional violation  of  known  physical  law  is  also  a  violation  of 
moral  law,  because  it  is  the  act  of  a  personal  will  against  the 
protests  of  a  personal  conscience.  It  must  be,  then,  that 
moral  law  has  much  to  do  with  man's  action  in  his  relation  to 
the  material  world,  and  with  the  results  of  that  action  both 
upon  the  actor  and  upon  society. 

In  claiming  that  the  best  industrial  results  are,  in  the 
nature  of  things,  essentially  related  to  the  best  morality,  we 
must  not  claim  too  much  for  morality.  Morality  can  not 
make  weak  men  strong,  nor  foolish  men  wise.  It  can  not  re- 
verse the  laws  of  nature.  In  a  community  largely  unmoral, 
or  where  the  standards  of  business  and  industry  are  degraded, 
and  business  and  industrial  methods  and  practices  are  rotten 
with  all  trickeries  and  gross  dishonesties,  the  personal  mo- 
ralities of  individuals  can  not  secure  in  personal  industrial 
results  what  might  be  secured  if  the  common  standard  were 
less  immoral.  Though  every  workingman  were  honest,  while 
every  employer  was  dishonest,  the  total  social  result  of  indus- 
trial action  would  not  be  so  large  and  so  noble  as  if  both 
workmen  and  employers  had  been  honest. 

We  can  not  always  test  our  principle  by  individual  cases, 
and  by  short  reaches  of  history.  Some  men  do  wrong  and 
seem  to  prosper  ;  others  do  right  and  seem  to  fail.  The  old 
problem  that  troubled  the  Psalmist  when  he  saw  the  wicked 
flourish,  often  perplexes  men,  even  to-day.  We  must  take  a 
large  aggregate  of  individual  instances  and  study  history  in 
its  sweep  of  vast  spaces,  if  we  would  find  full  confirmation  of 
our  principle.  Many  elements  enter  into  the  final  industrial 
result,  such  as  government,  climate,  soil,  location,  intelligence, 
natural  industrial  aptitudes.  But  among  these  elements,  mo- 
rality must  have  a  chief  place.  No  morality  can  secure  a  high 


THE  ADULTERATION  OF  GOODS.         181 

industrial  civilization  in  Kamtchatka.  But  no  form  of  gov- 
ernment, fertility  of  soil,  rivers,  harbors,  mines,  inventive 
genius,  powers  of  productive  organization,  can  hinder,  in  the 
long  run,  industrial  deterioration,  commercial  disaster  and 
social  ruin  in  England,  France  and  America,  if  the  workers, 
the  leaders  or  the  led,  are  degraded  by  personal  and  industrial 
immoralities. 

For  look  you  !  The  chief  factor  in  industry  is  not  capital, 
in  material,  or  money  or  machinery  ;  not  directing  skill  or 
labor  force.  These  are  essential  factors,  but  not  the  chief  one. 
The  chief  factor  is  man,  and  the  industrial  action  of  man,  and 
the  total  results  of  that  action,  depend  upon  the  totality  of  the 
manhood,  the  character  of  man  as  a  moral  being,  obedient  or 
disobedient  to  moral  law.  The  largest  manhood,  other  con- 
ditions being  equal,  means  the  most  socially  serviceable  pro- 
duction. And  the  most  morality,  other  conditions  being  equal, 
means  the  most  manhood.  The  most  industrially  prosperous 
nations  of  the  world  are  those  that,  with  equal  conditions,  are 
the  most  moral  nations.  The  most  prosperous  men  are  on  the 
whole  those  who,  with  conditions  of  intelligence  and  skill  and 
opportunity  equal  to  others  of  the  same  class,  are  on  the  whole 
the  most  moral  men.  Certain  it  is  that  immorality  in  per- 
sonal life,  resulting  in  failure  of  conscience  in  industrial  life, 
will  bring  degradation  to  the  worker  and  the  work,  and  loss 
to  society. 

A  few  years  ago  English  cotton  cloth  would  not  wash. 
When  the  clay  and  the  starch  were  rinsed  out,  the  cotton  was 
left  a  mere  rag.  A  friend  told  me  how,  on  opening  a  bale  of 
English  goods,  the  dust,  from  the  clay  with  which  the  cloth 
had  been  adulterated,  filled  the  room  and  choked  the  occu- 
pants. What  was  the  result  ?  American  cotton  goods  were 
sold  in  Manchester  and  London.  India  raised  cotton,  manu- 
factured goods  and  captured  the  markets  of  India,  China  and 
Australia.  Did  want  of  morality  have  a  good  or  bad  indus- 
trial result  ?  Said  Mr.  Mellor,  M.  P.,  in  denouncing  the  de- 
ceptions of  manufacturers,  "They  seem  to  believe  that  the 
consuming  inhabitants  of  the  globe  are  all  fools  except  them- 
selves." He  mentioned  the  case  of  an  engineer  who  in  cross- 
ing the  Indian  Ocean  was  decorating  his  turban  with  muslin. 
"Is  that  English  ? "  he  was  asked.  "No,  it  is  from  Switzer- 


182  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

land.  The  English  makes  my  fingers  stick  ;  it  is  gummy."* 
Let  such  deceptions  extend  to  all  branches  of  trade,  and  what 
will  become  of  trade  ? 

Suppose,  on  the  contrary,  that  all  Captains  of  Industry 
were  not  only  honest  in  the  quality  and  uses  of  their  material, 
but  that  they  were  faithfully  meeting  those  obligations  per- 
taining to  their  rank,  which  have  been  here  urged  upon  them  ; 
all  acting,  as  many  of  them  are  acting,  as  citizens  of  the  king- 
dom of  God,  every  one  of  them  an  Owen,  or  a  Titus  Salt,  or  a 
Fairbanks,  or  a  Cheney  ;  suppose  that  all  men  and  women  of 
wealth  were  doing  what  some  are  doing,  meeting  to  the  full 
the  responsibilities  of  wealth,  living  as  moral  beings,  with 
consciences  void  of  offense  toward  God  and  toward  their  fel- 
lows :  can  any  one  who  reads  history,  and  who  understands 
the  first  principles  of  economic  and  ethical  philosophy,  doubt 
what  would  be  the  result  on  industrial  and  social  prosperity  ? 
Morality,  then,  has  essential  relation  to  general  industrial 
well-being. 

When  we  study  carefully  the  unhappy  and  hostile  attitude 
that  those  who  represent  capital  and  those  who  represent 
labor,  are  at  present  maintaining,  each  toward  the  other,  we 
find  deep-seated  moral  causes  at  the  basis  of  this  attitude,  and 
at  the  basis  of  the  conditions  out  of  which  the  attitude  has 
arisen.  The  growth  of  democracy,  and  the  ignorance  of  that 
growth,  or  the  contempt  of  it,  will  not  wholly  explain  this 
attitude.  Capital  has  been  grasping,  grinding,  harsh.  Men 
have  been  in  haste  to  be  rich,  and  in  their  wild  eagerness  have 
not  only  pierced  themselves  through  with  many  sorrows,  soil- 
ing the  fair  face  of  their  conscience  so  that  it  reflected  no 
light  of  God,  but  they  have  trampled  with  ruthless  heel  on 
the  hearts  and  lives  of  their  fellow-men.  Riotous  speculation 
— turning  our  exchanges  into  gambling  hells,  and  into  arenas 
where  veritable  bulls  and  bears  have  tossed  and  crushed  each 
other  in  a  conflict  of  savage  beastliness — has  robbed  honest 
capital  of  its  profits,  and  labor  of  its  wages  and  its  bread. 
Oppressive  taxation  has  despoiled  industry  of  its  fruits,  be- 

*  "  Duty."     Samuel  Smiles.     Franklin  Square  Library,  p.  9. 

"  Bad  Times."    Alfred  Eussel  Wallace.    London  :  Macmillan  &  Co.,  p.  77. 

"  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,"  ninth  edition.     Art.    "Adulteration." 


MORALITY   INFLUENCES   CONDITIONS.  183 

cause  the  contents  of  the  public  purse  have  been  openly  squan- 
dered or  stealthily  stolen.  Forgeries,  defalcations,  bank-rob- 
beries, breaches  of  trust,  have  added  to  the  general  confusion, 
turned  property  out  of  productive  channels,  and  scattered  to 
the  winds  the  hard-earned  savings  of  the  poor.  Here  are  im- 
moralities that  manifestly  affect  the  conditions  of  industry, 
and  render  more  difficult  the  solution  of  the  labor  problem, 
because  rendering  the  burdens  of  labor  more  difficult  to  bear. 

Yet  even  if  these  conditions  could  all  be  changed  ;  if  capi- 
tal were  wholly  just ;  if  financial  crimes  could  be  repressed  ; 
if  gambling  speculation  could  be  abolished  ;  if  taxation  could 
be  reduced  to  the  lowest  point ;  if,  for  instance,  municipal  ad- 
ministration in  New  York  city  could  be  made  as  cheap  and  as 
effective  as  it  is  in  Berlin — even  then  the  day  of  labor's  re- 
demption would  not  have  been  reached.  For  the  industrial 
redemption  of  labor  depends  largely  upon  the  moral  condi- 
tions of  labor.  So  long  as  labor  itself  fails  to  reach  the  high- 
est moral  standards,  so  long  will  the  best  industrial  results  be 
unattained  either  by  the  laborer  or  by  society.  No  immoral 
laborer  is  a  good  or  useful  factor  in  industry.  That  the  condi- 
tion of  labor  is  by  no  means  what,  on  the  whole,  it  ought  to 
be,  is  due  in  part  to  the  moral  failure  of  labor  itself. 

Do  not  misunderstand  these  statements.  There  are  condi- 
tions of  labor  for  which  the  present  generation  of  working- 
men  are  in  no  wise  responsible.  Their  own  ancestry  are 
responsible.  The  whole  ancestral  race  of  capitalists  is  re- 
sponsible. Society,  past  and  present,  is  responsible.  While 
conditions  remain  unchanged  there  are  some  things  that  even 
morality  can  not  do.  But  morality  tends  to  change  many 
conditions.  Morality  will  make  better  work,  and  sweeter  life, 
and  happier  hearts,  even  with  some  conditions  unchanged. 
Lack  of  morality  has  made  some  of  the  conditions,  and  ren- 
dered others  more  difficult  of  removal. 

Again,  do  not  misunderstand.  It  Is  not  said  that  there  is 
not  as  much  honesty,  truthfulness,  purity,  faithfulness  among 
workingmen,  as  among  any  other  equal  number  of  men.  It 
is  not  said  that  the  vices  of  workingmen  are  more  hurtful  to 
social  good,  and  more  obstructive  to  industrial  progress  than 
the  vices  of  those  regarded  as  of  higher  social  rank.  They 
are  not  so  hurtful.  The  molten  lava  of  pernicious  influence 


18i  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

that  pours  from  a  social  volcano,  and  that  wastes  the  fertility 
of  its  own  slopes  and  of  the  valleys  at  its  feet,  is  more  destruc- 
tive than  the  miasma  that  lurks  in  the  valleys.  What  society 
wants  is,  to  abolish  both  the  lava  and  the  miasma.  But  the 
abolition  of  miasma  is  a  task  that  the  dwellers  in  the  valley 
must  take,  in  the  main,  upon  their  own  shoulders. 

The  real  morality  among  workingmen  is  itself  conscious  of 
the  immorality  around  it.  It  yearns  for  improvement  in  the 
condition  of  its  fellows.  It  works  for  that  improvement. 
And  it  is  not  to  find  fault,  not  to  bring  charges,  but  to  deepen 
conviction,  to  intensify  yearnings,  to  co-operate  with  all  noble 
workmen  in  all  noble  work  that  these  words  are  written. 

As  far  as  the  redemption  of  labor  involves  improved  mo- 
rality in  the  ranks  of  labor,  so  far  labor's  redemption  is  in 
labor's  own  hands.  Take  ignorance.  It  is  not  always  the 
fault  of  society  or  the  State  that  there  are  ignorant  workmen. 
There  is  no  man  with  any  sort  of  mental  capacity  who  need 
remain  ignorant.  If  he  listen  to  his  conscience,  he  will  not 
remain  ignorant.  He  will  not  remain  ignorant  of  the  things 
which  he  must  know  to  perform  his  allotted  tasks  in  the  best 
way.  Intelligence  is  a  duty.  The  failure  to  be  intelligent, 
within  the  sphere  of  one's  own  life  and  work,  unless  capacity 
to  know  be  wanting,  is  more  than  intellectual  lack ;  it  is  moral 
default  of  duty.  Moral  motives  must  be  felt  in  all  their  ur- 
gency, compelling  a  man  by  his  own  endeavor  to  supply  his 
defects  in  intelligence,  which  society  or  the  State,  through 
their  failures  in  duty,  may  have  put  upon  him. 

Take  the  duty  of  justice.  Every  man  wants  justice  done 
by  others  to  himself.  But  men  are  not  always  careful  to  do 
justice  to  others.  You  workingmen  ask  justice  from  your  em- 
ployer, as  you  ought  to  ask  it.  But  do  you  always  do  justice 
to  him  ?  A  London  builder  once  inquired  of  a  young  man 
where  he  was  going.  ' '  Oh,  I  am  going  to  Mr.  So-and-so's  to 
work. "  "At  the  pace  you  are  going  you  will  not  get  there 
until  it  is  time  to  leave  off."  "  I  am  very  sorry,  sir,"  was  the 
man's  apology,  "  but  we  are  not  allowed  to  sweat  ourselves  if 
we  are  walking  in  your  time."  Was  that  honest  ?  Was  it  an 
encouragement  of  justice  on  the  part  of  the  Union,  whose 
then  existing  rules  required  such  action  ?  Perhaps  it  had  not 
occurred  to  the  man  or  to  his  fellows,  that  there  was  no  moral 


MORAL  FRICTIONS  IN   INDUSTRY.  185 

difference  between  stealing  money  from  a  man's  purse  and 
stealing  money  by  waste,  in  needless  loitering,  of  the  labor- 
time  that  money  had  paid  for.  Was  this  good  industrial 
morality  ?  Was  it  even  wise  self-interest  ?  Could  such 
injustice  fail  to  react  in  damage  both  to  wages  and  to  char- 
acter ? 

There  are  wastes  of  material,  by  indifference  and  careless- 
ness. This  is  no  insignificant  item  in  the  expenses  of  many 
large  establishments.  Of  course,  accidents  will  happen.  But 
reckless  waste  is  immorality.  It  is  a  defect  of  justice.  "  This 
is  the  employer's  property,  not  mine.  It  is  not  my  business  to 
take  utmost  care."  It  is  your  business.  You  would  not  wish 
another  to  treat  your  material  thus.  And  what  you  would 
not  wish  another  to  do  with  that  which  is  yours,  you  ought 
not  to  do  with  that  which  is  another's.  The  golden  rule,  the 
law  of  justice,  is  violated  by  all  negligent  waste.  And  waste- 
ful production  is  extra-costly  production  ;  and  extra-costly 
production  means,  in  the  long  run,  production  unprofitable  to 
all  who  are  concerned  in  it,  to  workmen  no  less  than  to  em- 
ployers. 

Springing  from  injustice  there  are  moral  frictions  in  in- 
dustry even  more  hurtful  than  material  ones.  Unless  a  man 
has  proved  himself  unworthy  of  trust,  trust  is  his  right,  and  a 
withholding  of  trust  is  a  robbery  of  his  right.  The  employer 
who  looks  with  suspicion  upon  his  men,  who  counts  them  as 
his  mortal  enemies,  who  is  always  watching  against  cheating, 
and  guarding  against  outbreaks,  is  arousing  a  spirit  of  sus- 
picion in  those  who  serve  him  ;  is  making  the  very  condition 
against  which  he  stands  in  fear  ;  and  is  creating  an  atmos- 
phere which  renders  best  work  impossible.  Workmen  may 
also  create  such  an  atmosphere.  Suspicion  toward  your 
mates,  toward  overseers,  toward  employers,  envy,  jealousy, 
hate  often  groundless,  often  exaggerated  even  when  there  is 
just  ground,  resentment  of  any  advance  of  kindness  or  sym- 
pathy or  practical  help,  as  if  the  very  fact  that  one  is  an  em- 
ployer, always  sets  some  sinister  motive  lurking  behind  every 
action  that  had  a  righteous  front  or  a  humane  face — this  takes 
hope,  energy,  faithfulness,  honesty,  out  of  the  workers  and 
the  work.  "  Trust,  confidence  between  man  and  man,"  said  a 
Knight  of  Labor  to  me — "this  is  what  is  wanted  every- 


183  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

where.''*  This  is  what  is  wanted,  and  for  this,  morality, 
sense  of  justice,  is  wanted.  Trust  and  honor  —  not  low- 
browed, surly  suspicion  —  are  every  man's  due  from  every 
other  man,  until  he  has  clearly  forfeited  that  right.  When 
all  men  learn  the  lesson  ;  when  all  men  render  the  justice 
due  ;  when  every  employer  regards  his  men  as  men,  and 
treats  them  as  men  worthy  of  sympathy  and  fair  dealing  and 
kindly  help  ;  when  every  workman  shall  refuse  to  use  the 
language  of  the  English  collier,  concerning  his  master,  ' '  All 
coal-masters  is  devils,  and  Briggs  is  the  prince  of  devils"  ; 
when  the  many  nohle  employers,  who  earnestly  seek  from 
God  grace  to  aid  them  in  making  their  business  a  means  of 
blessing  to  their  men,  shall  no  longer  be  hindered  and  har- 
assed, and  driven  to  sore  discouragement  by  the  suspicious 
and  rebellious  spirit  that  refuses  to  believe  in  their  fairness, 
and  their  humane  and  just  intent  ;  when  the  root  of  injustice 
in  the  want  of  reverence  for  a  man  as  a  man,  shall  be  plucked 
out ;  when  men  everywhere  shall  believe  that  Jesus  Christ 
has  revealed  the  awful  greatness  of  a  man  as  a  man,  high  or 
low,  rich  or  poor,  commanding  or  commanded  ;  when  we 
shall  feel  that  to  invade  any  man's  right  is  to  commit  the 
crime  of  sacrilegious  profanation  against  the  supreme  Lord- 
ship of  Christ — then,  indeed,  will  the  hour  of  labor's  redemp- 
tion be  drawing  nigh.  They  who  clamor  for  a  recognition  of 
their  own  rights,  and  a  rendering  of  justice  to  themselves, 
and  who  clamor  none  too  loudly,  ought  to  see  to  it  that  they 
regard  others'  rights,  and  that  they  do  not,  by  waste  of  time 
and  materials,  and  by  blind  and  unworthy  suspicion,  fail  to 
render  that  exact  justice  to  others  which  they  rightly,  in  the 
name  of  humanity,  demand  for  themselves. 

Take  the  morality  of  conversation.  Reference  is  not  made 
now  to  gossiping  and  lying  talk — though  this  influences  in- 
dustrial action — but  rather  to  profane  and  vulgar  talk.  A 
German  Socialist,  whom  I  Vas  glad  to  welcome  to  my  study, 
and  from  whom  I  learned  many  things,  told  me  that  when  he 

*  "Would  you  make  men  trustworthy?  Trust  them.  "Would  you  make 
them  true?  Believe  them.  .  .  .  When  the  crews  of  the  fleet  of  Britain,  knew 
that  they  were  expected  to  do  their  duty,  they  did  their  duty." — "  Sermons." 
By  Frederick  W.  Kobertson.  Boston :  Ticknor  &  Fields,  1857.  First  series, 
p.  285. 


DEMAND  FOE  PERSONAL  PURITY.        187 

came  to  America  he  was  shocked  and  disgusted  at  the  talk  he 
heard  in  the  shops.  So  low,  ribald,  profane,  foul  was  it,  that 
he  could  not  work  well  for  very  faintness  of  heart  and  revolt 
of  feeling.  It  is  hoped  that  his  experience  is  rare,  and  that 
such  things  are  not  common.  "  For  out  of  the  abundance  of 
the  heart  the  mouth  speaketh."  Foul  speech  means  a  foul 
heart,  and  makes  a  foul  heart.  The  man  is  more  than  the 
worker.  But  the  worker  is  as  the  man.  And  bad  speech  is 
bad  character,  and  means  a  bad  worker  and  inefficient  work. 
Moral  ventilation  in  the  workshop  is  as  essential  as  atmos- 
pheric ventilation  to  most  successful  work,  and  should  equally 
with  this  receive  the  attention  of  the  workers. 

Or  again  :  take  personal  purity.  What  has  this  to  do  with 
work  ?  Much  every  way,  for  it  has  much  to  do  with  manhood. 
No  wholesome  manhood  is  possible  without  it.  Sins  against 
purity  reduce  physical  energy,  paralyze  brain-force,  enfeeble 
will,  pervert  conscience.  They  involve  untruth  and  injustice, 
and  a  gross  defilement  of  at  least  two  temples  in  which  the 
Spirit  of  God  might  dwell.  They  involve  flagrant  dishonest- 
ies. They  touch,  with  their  corruption,  character  at  every 
point,  and  make  probable  a  surrender  to  temptation  to  dis- 
honesty in  other  forms.  Our  systems  of  modern  industry 
afford  special  opportunities  for  these  sins.  And  these  sins 
degrade  the  worker  and  the  work.  If  the  nature  of  the  sub- 
ject did  not  forbid  further  discussion,  it  could  be  shown,  and 
any  man  who  thinks  can  follow  the  matter  to  its  conclusions, 
that  such  noisome  facts  as  were  lately  uncovered  in  English 
society,  and  some  manifest  failures  to  secure  best  moral  influ- 
ences in  our  own  society,  have  a  very  appreciable  effect  upon 
the  rate  of  wages,  and  upon  all  the  moral  incentives  to  most 
profitable  industry. 

On  behalf  of  the  womanhood  of  their  own  class,  and  of  all 
womanhood,  on  behalf  of  noblest  manhood  and  most  effective 
work,  workingmen  ought  to  keep  themselves  pure.  They 
ought  to  frown  upon  and  protest  against  the  men  who  commit 
these  crimes.  If  any  of  their  fellows  are  such  men,  if  any 
employers  are  guilty  of  such  acts,  or  for  the  sake  of  low  wages 
connive  at  such  deeds  by  others,  self-respecting  workers  ought 
to  refuse  to  work  with  such  men  and  for  such  employers. 
Strike  against  these  ruthless  invasions  of  the  sweetest  sancti- 


188  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

ties  of  life  !  If  you  will  use  the  boycott  put  it  in  force  here. 
Noble  manhood  is  noble  work.  Impure  manhood  is  personal, 
social,  industrial  degradation. 

Take  morality  in  the  family  relation.  Happy  marriage  if; 
the  natural  condition  of  grown  men  and  women.  But  mar- 
riage entered  into -blunderingly,  blindly,  without  reflection, 
will  be  a  man's  misery  and  a  woman's  shame.  It  is  no  man's 
duty  to  marry  a  woman  who  can  not  manage  a  home,  who  is 
shiftless  and  slattern,  whose  disorder  and  dirt,  and  badly- 
cooked  food,  and  general  worthlessness  and  incompetence,  will 
make  home  a  hell,  and  the  saloon  a  welcome  paradise  beside  it. 
It  is  no  man's  duty  or  his  right  to  make  marriage  a  drain  and 
an  incubus  upon  his  industry.  The  right  to  marriage  does 
not  exist,  except  there  be  the  ability  to  meet  the  responsibili- 
ties of  marriage.  No  man  ought  to  marry  who  has  not  a  rea- 
sonable expectation  that  he  can  support  a  family  in  a  good 
degree  of  comfort,  according  to  the  standards  of  living  in  his 
own  sphere.  While  too  many  men  delay  marriage,  setting 
their  standard  of  comfort  too  high,  too  many  workmen  rush 
into  marriage  without  the  slightest  thought  of  their  ability  to 
conform  to  any  standard.  Much  of  the  existing  misery  and 
poverty,  and  of  the  inability  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  commer- 
cial crises  and  of  the  conflicts  often  needful  for  getting  the 
labor  into  the  best  market,  are  due  to  thoughtless  or  mismatecl 
marriages.  The  secret  of  one  of  the  advantages  which  capital 
has  hi  its  conflict  with  labor  is  in  this  very  burden,  which  la- 
bor lays  upon  its  own  shoulders.  No  man  ought  to  expect  so- 
ciety to  provide  for  his  household.  No  man  ought  to  offer  to 
society  a  larger  household  than  his  own  good  health,  tough 
muscle,  honest  work,  can  rear  and  train  for  good  social  service. 
If,  as  our  medical  men  tell  us,  and  as  statistics  show,  there  is  in 
some  ranks  of  society  a  criminal  and  murderous  rejection  of 
the  blessed  crown  of  motherhood,  there  is  in  other  ranks  a 
disregard  of  personal  justice,  a  want  of  economic  foresight,  a 
thoughtlessness  as  to  social  facts  and  laws,  that  are  equally 
criminal.  It  is  only  when  labor  is  thus  recklessly  improvident 
that  Ricardo's  iron  law  of  wages  has  any  reality  of  crush- 
ing force.  A  happy  home  life,  thrift,  the  best  conditions 
of  industry,  the  future  of  the  children,  depend  very  much 
upon  the  intelligent  recognition  and  practice  by  every  work- 


INDUSTRIAL  EFFECTS  OF  INTEMPERANCE.  189 

ingman  of  this  essential  morality  that  underlies  the  family 
relation. 

Again  :  take  the  matter  of  the  use  of  strong  drink.  You 
do  not  need  to  be  told  the  facts.  You  know  that  the  enormous 
tax  upon  all  industry  which  intemperance  imposes,  the  waste 
of  capital  which  might  be  used  in  profitable  production,  the 
support  of  prisons  and  poorhouses,  and  police  and  criminal 
courts,  which  intemperance  makes  necessary,  are  all  a  tax 
upon  the  wage-worker.  You  know  that  the  nation  would  be 
industrially,  morally,  and  in  every  other  conceiyable  way, 
richer  if  the  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  which  are  each 
year  offered  in  tribute  to  the  demon  of  strong  drink,  were 
rather  cast  into  the  depths  of  the  sea.  You  know  that  drink 
consumes  muscular  energy  and  brain-force,  wastes  time,  spoils 
material,  detracts  from  the  value  of  the  work  done,  and  lessens 
the  wages  earned.  You  have  heard  of  Sir  Thomas  Brassey's 
gang  of  navvies  on  the  Great  Northern  Railroad,  who  did 
more  work  and  earned  more  wages  in  a  day  than  any  other 
gang,  who  always  quit  work  half  an  hour  earlier  than  others, 
and  who  to  a  man  were  teetotalers.  You  know  that  more 
money  is  spent  for  drink  by  the  working  classes  than  by  any 
other  classes.  Have  you  thought  what  this  money,  thus 
squandered,  in  that  which  reduces  physical  and  moral  tone 
and  makes  incompetent  workers  and  inefficient  work,  might 
do,  if  it  were  turned  into  wage-earning  and  capital-earning 
power,  and  were  spent  for  food,  clothes,  books,  pictures, 
homes ;  or  were  put  into  savings-banks,  or,  even  better,  into 
the  stock  of  a  relief,  a  life-insurance,  a  co-operative  society  ? 
Do  you  not  know  that  the  poverty,  vice,  filth,  incapacity, 
ignorance,  crime,  which  curses  the  homes  and  lives  of  so  many 
workers  is  due,  in  large  measure,  directly  or  indirectly,  to 
allegiance  to  the  drink  tyrant  ? 

I  do  not  forget  that  poverty,  unhealthy  or  unhappy  homes, 
the  foul  air  in  which  many  men  must  work,  the  darkness  that 
shrouds  so  many  lives,  the  lack  of  interest  and  of  opportuni- 
ties for  clean  and  elevating  social  amusement  which  pertains 
to  these  lives,  have  much  to  do  with  fostering  this  drink-pas- 
sion and  with  furnishing  temptations  to  its  indulgence.  I  do 
not  forget  that  moral  reformers,  who  recognize  the  facts  of 
human  nature,  and  are  not  blinded  by  the  theories  of  enthusi- 


190  STUDIES  IN7   MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

asts,  might  do  well  to  turn  some  of  their  energy  toward  re- 
moving the  fuel  as  well  as  toward  fighting  the  flame,  and 
might  and  ought  to  arouse  a  philanthropic  opinion  and  action, 
that  shall  concern  itself  with  better  homes  and  better  pleasures 
for  the  workers.  But  the  passion  for  drink  is  one  of  the  prime 
creators  of  the  conditions  which,  in  turn,  strengthen  the  mon- 
strous despotism  of  their  creator.  The  passion  is  in  the  man. 
Even  with  unchanged  conditions  it  may  be  rooted  out  of  the 
man,  and  so  change  the  conditions.  It  will  be  rooted  out  of 
the  man  only  as  he  gives  himself,  with  all  available  divine 
and  social  helps,  to  the  rooting  out  of  the  passion.  Intemper- 
ance is  personal  immorality.  Abstinence  is  personal  morality. 
The  man  himself  who  would  be  moral  must  himself  do  the 
moral  action.*  Honor  to  the  labor  organizations  that  have 
set  temperance  among  their  corner-stone  principles  !  t  When 
all  members  of  labor  organizations  come  to  dislike  to  work 
with  the  intemperate  as  much  as  they  dislike  to  work  with 
scabs  ;  when  employers  refuse  employment  to  the  intemper- 
ate ;  when  the  consciences  of  all  workmen  are  fully  aroused 
to  the  essential  relation  between  best  morality  and  best  indus- 
try, the  temperance  problem  will  have  its  solution,  and  a 
long  stride  will  be  made  toward  the  solution  of  the  labor 
problem. 

Or  take  the  principle  that  all  work,  worthy  to  be  done,  is 
service  to  humanity.  This  is  fundamental  morality.  This  is 
motive  that  may  link  itself  with  Christ.  Service  of  humani- 
ty !  In  this  every  worker  is  engaged,  whether  he  thinks  of  it 
or  not.  The  masons  who  lay  the  foundations,  and  the  brick- 
layers, and  carpenters,  and  gas-fitters,  and  decorators,  who  rear 
the  superstructures  of  our  homes  ;  the  gardeners  and  farmers 
who  supply  our  food  ;  the  factory  operatives  who  weave  the 
material  for  our  garments,  and  the  tailors  and  sewing-women 
who  make  them ;  the  transportation  agents  who  deliver  the 
goods  at  our  doors — all  are  doing  us  service.  No  home  is  so 
humble,  no  table  so  scant,  no  back  so  thinly  clad,  as  not  to 

*  "  Who  would  be  free  himself  must  strike  the  blow."  Motto  of  Denver 
"  Labor  Enquirer." 

t  On  co-operation  as  a  promoter  of  temperance,  read  the  brilliant  and  pow- 
erful passage  in  Holyoake's  "History  of  Co-operation,"  vol.  i,  pp.  265-268. 


LABOR  REGARDED  AS  SERVICE.  191 

represent  the  service  rendered  by  a  multitude  of  toiling-  hands. 
Of  course,  in  the  beginning-  men  were  urged  to  labor  by  the 
necessity  for  supplying  their  own  needs.  But  as  society  has 
advanced,  few  men  supply  their  own  needs  by  the  direct  fruits 
of  their  own  labor.  Each  man  sets  his  own  labor  for  the  sup- 
ply of  others'  needs  over  against  other  men's  labor  for  the  sup- 
ply of  his  needs.  It  is  an  economic  fact,  as  well  as  the  state- 
ment of  a  Christian  law,  that  "no  man  liveth  to  himself." 
Now  suppose  men  inspired  by  the  high  moral  principle  that 
worthy  work  is  service  for  others,  as  well  as  service  for  self, 
suppose  they  could  even  reach  the  Christian  ideal  and  pxit  the 
thought  of  service  first  ;  what  would  happen  ?  *  The  bitter, 
hopeless  drudgery  would  be  taken  out  of  toil.  Pattering  feet 
and  cheery  laughter  of  little  children,  voices  of  fair  women 
and  strong  men  would  mingle  with  the  rattle  of  looms  and 
the  stroke  of  hammers,  as  the  workers  thought  of  the  many 
lives  into  which  the  results  of  their  own  toil  were  to  go  with 
messages  of  help  and  good- will.  Faithfulness  would  be  put 
into  work.  For  though  some  labor  may  not  be  a  virtue ;  when 
labor  is  for  service  then  shirking  is  a  vice,  and  slovenly,  slack, 
inefficient  workmanship  is  a  crime.  The  law  may  take  no 
note  of  such  crimes  ;  but  conscience  on  her  judgment-seat  and 
God  upon  His  throne  will  take  note  of  them.  Slovenly  work ; 
and  clothing  wears  out  too  soon,  and  the  purchaser  is  robbed. 
Slovenly  work ;  and  it  has  to  be  done  over  and  paid  for  twice, 
and  money  that  might  have  gone  into  other  production  is 
squandered.  Slovenly  work  ;  and  anchor-chains  break,  and 
vessels,  cargoes,  men,  go  down.  Slovenly  work  !  It  is  impos- 
sible when  work  is  thought  of  as  service. 

It  was  the  grand  aim  of  those  true,  mediaeval  Knights  of 
Labor  that  they  should  finish  their  work  with  uttermost  per- 
fection. That  will  be  the  aim  when  work  is  service,  when  the 
supreme  responsibility  that  attaches  to  the  workman's  call- 
ing is  felt  and  responded  to  by  him.  "  Oh,  but  my  wages  will 
not  be  increased  if  I  work  more  diligently  and  more  carefully ; 
if  I  am  as  painstaking  when  the  overseer  is  at  the  other  end  of 
the  shop  as  when  he  is  by  my  side. "  Your  wages  ;  perhaps 

*"The  Kingdom  of  Christ."  Samuel  Harris.  Andover:  Warren  F. 
Draper,  1874,  pp.  151-15;. 


192  STUDIES  IN   MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

not.      But  social  gain  and  comfort  will  be  increased,  your 
own  conscience  satisfied,  your  own  manhood  uplifted. 

You  workmen  tell  your  employers,  in  your  true  gospel  of 
labor,  that  mere  self-interest  is  not  to  be  the  chief  economic 
motive.  And  you  are  right,  though  you  often  give  a  meaning 
to  self-interest  that  no  economic  law  gives  to  it ;  and  you  deny 
to  it  the  place  that  Christ  allows  and  commands  it  to  hold  in 
social  life  and  economic  action.  But  your  gospel,  in  its  spirit, 
is  true.  Yet  you  preachers  of  this  gospel  will  shrink  from 
practicing  it,  because  its  practice  will  have  no  immediate  and 
appreciable  effect  on  wages.  I  do  not  believe  in  taking  away 
the  motive  of  self-interest  from  before  the  minds  of  the  work- 
ers. Distributive  and  industrial  co-operation  hold  out  such  a 
motive.  So  does  profit-sharing.  And  I  believe  in  these  meth- 
ods, both  for  inciting  to  faithfulness  and  for  remunerating  it. 
But  I  believe  also  in  your  gospel,  that  every  man  should  serve 
every  other  man.  I  believe  in  it  as  a  gospel  for  employers, 
for  capitalists,  for  workmen,  for  everybody.  Preach,  then, 
your  gospel  by  practicing  it.  Put  into  action  the  power  of 
the  great  moral  principle  of  service.  Under  the  eyes  of  selfish 
men,  act  the  law  of  love,  and  do  best  work  for  work's  own 
sake  and  for  humanity's  sake,  to  whom  best  work  is  most  serv- 
iceable work.  Only  thus  can  best  industrial  results  be  as- 
sured. Only  thus  can  you  render  yourself  a  necessity  in  your 
industrial  position.  Only  thus  can  you  ever  advance  in  indus- 
trial rank.  Only  thus  will  universal  good  work  increase  the 
real  purchasing  power  of  wages,  because  increasing  the  wear- 
ing qualities  of  products  that  are  not  immediately  consumed. 
Only  thus  will  you  do  your  part  toward  wiping  away  the  re- 
proach upon  all  industry  which  Carlyle  growled  forth,  with 
much  exaggeration  doubtless,  against  the  English  workmen 
of  his  day:  "Now,  all  England,  shopkeepers,  workmen,  all 
manner  of  competing  laborers,  awaken  as  if  to  an  unspoken 
and  heart-felt  prayer  to  Beelzebub.  '  O  help  us,  thou  great  lord 
of  shoddy,  adulteration,  and  malfeasance,  to  do  our  work  with 
a  maximum  of  slimness,  swiftness,  profit,  and  mendacity,  for 
the  devil's  sake,  amen.'  "* 

*  Thomaa  Carlyle's  letter  to  Sir  Joseph  Whitworth,  "  The  Age  of  Steel," 
p.  268. 


EMPLOYERS  MAY  PROMOTE  MORALITY.      193 

Workingmen  !  While  labor  has  often  been  oppressed  by 
capital,  by  monopolies,  by  legislation,  by  an  accumulated  her- 
itage of  bad  social  customs,  and  evil  social  conditions,  yet 
labor  has  been  its  own  oppressor.  "  Every  man  is  his  own 
worst  enemy."  By  the  facts  of  history  it  is  true  that  the 
vices  of  labor  have  been  degradation  of  labor.  The  eleva- 
tion of  labor  must  come  from  labor  itself,  by  the  eleva- 
tion of  morality.  High  wages  and  shorter  hours,  though 
these  are,  on  the  whole,  a  great  gain,  will  do  little  for  men 
whose  wages  are  squandered  in  drink,  and  whose  leisure  is 
wasted  in  idleness.  Justice,  treating  another's  time  and  ma- 
terial as  if  it  were  your  own  ;  justice,  giving  to  all  men 
confidence  and  reverence  rather  than  suspicion  and  con- 
tempt ;  clean  speech,  pure  life,  wholesome  and  thrifty  homes, 
temperance  in  all  things,  the  spirit  and  aim  of  true  labor 
that  ennobles  toil  and  transfigures  it  into  service  of  men — 
all  this  surely  must  mean  for  labor  better  products,  fairer 
distribution,  growing  intelligence,  higher  honor,  increasing 
competence. 

Employers  may  do  much  in  furthering  this  moral  improve- 
ment. Many  are  doing  it.  They  put  their  sympathy,  as  well 
as  their  capital  and  their  skill,  into  the  workshop  and  into  the 
lives  of  the  workers.  They  strive,  in  all  possible  ways,  to 
bring  back  into  work  the  human  interest  and  zest  which  ma- 
chinery has  stolen  from  it.  They  counsel  and  guide  their 
men.  Not  a  rare  specimen,  I  am  sure,  was  that  employer  of 
whom  Rev.  R.  Heber  Newton  testifies  :  ' '  From  the  start  he 
established  personal,  human,  living  relationships  with  his 
men.  He  taught  them  by  deed,  rather  than  by  word,  to  con- 
sider him  their  friend.  He  was  in  the  habit  of  calling  in  upon 
their  families  in  a  social  and  respecting  way.  In  all  their 
troubles  and  adversity  he  trained  them  to  counsel  with 
him,  and  gave  them  the  advantage  of  his  riper  judgment 
and  larger  vision.  In  cases  of  exigency  his  means  were 
at  their  disposal,  in  the  way  of  loans  to  tide  them  over 
hard  times.  His  friends  have  seen,  more  than  once,  hard- 
fisted  men  of  toil  coming  from  his  office  with  tears  stream- 
ing down  their  faces.  He  had  called  them  into  his  office 
on  hearing  of  certain  bad  habits  into  which  they  had  fallen, 
and  so  impressive  had  been  his  talk  with  them  that  they  left 
9 


194:  STUDIES  IX  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

his  presence  with  the  most  earnest  resolves  to  do  better  in  the 
future."* 

Yet  after  all  that  others  may  do,  the  chief  effort  must 
be  your  own.  Morality  is  the  quality  of  a  personal  soul. 
Justice,  cleanness  of  speech  and  conduct,  prudence,  temper- 
ance, serviceableness  and  their  miserable,  criminal  opposites, 
are  elements  of  personal  character  and  conduct.  And  what 
you  are  affects  all  that  you  do,  and  all  the  results  of  what 
you  do. 

I  would  not  offend  your  consciences  by  appealing  to  you  to 
be  and  to  do  right  for  the  sake  of  better  wages,  better  product, 
or  any  industrial  gain.  I  appeal  to  you,  rather,  to  be  and  to 
do  right  for  the  sake  of  right,  and  character,  and  humanity, 
and  God.  But  I  have  the  privilege  of  declaring  to  you  that 
bad  morals  have  an  essential  relation  to  bad  work,  and  to 
degraded  social  condition,  while  good  morals  stand  in  essen- 
tial relation  to  good  work  and  to  improved  social  condition. 
Only  in  the  progressive  intelligence,  thrift  and  morality  of 
labor,  is  there  any  certain  promise  of  unproved  conditions  for 
labor.  With  these,  other  conditions  must  combine  and  keep 
pace.  But  these  are  essential.  Let  a  workman  speak  to  you. 
Mr.  W.  C.  Jones,  before  a  club  of  co-operators,  said  :  "It  be- 
hooves the  workingman,  above  all  things,  to  comprehend  that 
high  material  results  must  be  accompanied  by  high  moral  re- 
sults ;  and  that  this  combination  can  be  secured  only  by  the 
introduction  and  operation  of  higher  modes  of  thought  among 
his  class."  f  Add  to  this  the  testimony  of  Prof.  Alfred  Wal- 
lace :  "In  every  case  in  which  we  have  traced  out  the  effi- 
cient causes  of  the  present  depression,  we  have  found  it  to 
originate  in  customs,  laws,  and  modes  of  action  which  are 
ethically  unsound  if  not  positively  immoral.  .  .  .  Whenever 
we  depart  from  the  great  principles  of  truth  and  honesty,  of 
equal  freedom  and  justice  to  all  men,  whether  in  our  relations 
to  other  States  or  in  our  dealings  with  our  fellow-men,  the 
evil  that  we  do  surely  comes  back  to  us,  and  the  suffering, 
poverty,  and  crime  of  which  we  are  the  direct  or  indirect 
causes  help  to  impoverish  ourselves."  t 

*  "  Report  of  Senate  Committee  on  Labor,"  vol.  ii,  p.  553. 

t  Quoted  from  an  English  newspaper.  J  "  Bad  Times,"  jx  117. 


THE   RESULTS   OF   MORALITY.  195 

I  rejoice  to  believe  that  you  workingmen  are  coining  to  un- 
derstand these  principles  and  more  and  more  and  more  to  act 
upon  them,  and  that  a  reformation  promoted  by  workingmen  is 
going  on  in  the  ranks  of  labor.  Your  labor  organizations  and 
co-operative  associations  are  teaching  you  great  moral  lessons. 
You  are  learning  the  meaning  of  justice,  truth,  confidence, 
sympathy,  obedience,  self-denial,  service.  All  the  influences 
with  which  your  calling  as  workingmen  surround  your  lives 
are  opposed  to  an  exaggerated  individualism.  Your  very 
selfishness  is  "of  a  corporate  character,  which  requires  the 
good  of  the  individual  to  be  subordinated  to  the  good  of  his 
class,  and  is  only  distinctly  selfish  in  its  action  toward  other 
classes."*  Drop  even  this  class  selfishness.  Let  your  em- 
ployers, and  those  who  rank  with  them,  share,  equally  with 
your  mates,  in  your  justice  and  sympathy  and  service.  This 
is  the  only  real  morality. 

All  men  have  claims  upon  your  duty.  If  you  would  re- 
ceive respect,  honor,  justice — yield  them.  So  humanity  shall 
be  knit  in  its  true  co-operation  of  mutual  helpfulness  and 
fairly  distributed  industrial  results.  Be  the  most  just,  and 
pure,  and  temperate,  and  faithful  men  you  can  be.  Your 
reward  shall  come.  It  shall  come  in  an  approving  con- 
science, in  an  honoring  public  sentiment,  in  better  social 
and  industrial  condition.  Sure  as  God  is  God,  this  shall  be. 
And  if  the  struggle  is  hard,  if  the  inward  battle  oft  goes 
against  you,  if  out  of  the  depths  of  a  vast  soul-hunger  for  a 
nobler  life,  you  cry,  "  Oh,  wretched  man  that  I  am,  who  shall 
deliver  me  ? "  then  come  to  the  personal  and  living  Christ,  the 
Lord  and  Redeemer  of  men,  the  only  standard  and  the  source 
and  inspiration  of  human  strength  for  the  attainment  of  that 
worthiest  godlikeness,  which  not  only  has  the  promise  of  the 
life  that  now  is,  but  of  that  which  is  to  come. 

*  "Work  among  Workingmen,"  Ellico  Hopkins.    London:  Kegan  Paul, 
Trench  &  Co.,  1882,  p.  182. 


CHAPTEE  XIII. 

THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  WORKINGMAN. 

"And  He  came  to  Nazareth,  where  lie  had  been  brought  up;  and,  as  His 
custom  was,  He  went  into  the  synagogue  on  the  Sabbath-day  and  stood  up  for 
to  read." — The  Gospel  according  to  Luke.* 

HE  was  in  a  workingman's  garb.  His  hands  were  calloused 
by  years  of  toil.  Those  who  sat  about  knew  Him.  at  once  as 
Jesus  the  carpenter.  Strange  things  had  happened  to  Him 
during  His  absence  from  Nazareth.  His  baptism  in  the  Jor- 
dan, His  anointing  by  the  power  of  the  Spirit,  His  fierce  con- 
flict with  temptation  in  the  wilderness,  and  his  victory  over 
the  tempter,  all  had  awakened  Him  to  the  full  consciousness  of 
His  mission  for  the  world's  redemption.  Behind  Him  was  his 
old  life,  the  boyhood  and  youth  of  preparation  ;  before  Him 
the  new  life,  the  short  manhood  of  struggle,  and  service,  and 
sacrifice.  "What  could  a  nature  at  that  height,"  said  James 
Martineau,  "have  to  do  with  any  sacred  inclosure  of  time  and 
space  ?  And  yet  at  '  Nazareth,  where  he  had  been  brought  up, 
He  went,  as  His  custom  was,  into  the  synagogue  on  the  Sab- 
bath-day.' .  .  .  To  nothing  newer  or  higher  does  He  turn,  but 
to  the  village  sanctuary  on  the  stated  day  of  rest,  to  the  place 
and  on  the  day  that  had  been  sacred  to  the  fathers  before 
Him."f 

May  not  Christ's  example  well  be  followed  by  us  all  ?    Was 

*  Luke  iv,  16. 

t  "  Hours  of  Thought  on  Sacred  Things."  By  James  Martineau,  LL.  D. 
First  Series.  Boston:  Boberts  Brothers,  1876,  pp.  8,  4. 


THE  CHURCH  ESSENTIAL  TO  SOCIAL  PROGRESS.      197 

He  not,  when  standing  there  in  the  synagogue,  standing  in  the 
current  of  humanity's  deepest  needs  ?  Does  not  humanity 
need  God  ;  the  inflow  of  His  life,  the  strengthening  of  His 
grace  ?  Is  not  humanity  to  find  God,  not  only  amid  the  soli- 
tudes of  personal  communion,  and  in  the  righteousness  of 
daily  action,  but  in  the  social  worship  through  which  God 
makes  His  voice  audible,  and  in  the  social  fellowship  through 
which  He  reveals  and  illustrates  His  law  of  love  ?  The  work- 
ingman,  of  all  men,  should  not  disregard  the  example  of 
Jesus,  the  carpenter,  whose  reverent  and  accustomed  treat- 
ment of  God's  sanctuary  and  God's  book,  was  a  recogni- 
tion of  a  universal  human  need,  and  a  universal  human 
duty. 

In  considering  the  relation  between  the  church  and  the 
workingman,  we  use  the  word  church  with  broad  meaning. 
By  the  church  we  mean  the  divinely  appointed  institutions, 
that  as  human  agencies,  by  the  use  of  divine  facts  and  truths 
and  a  divine  life,  have  wrought  the  marvelous  changes  in 
men  and  society,  that  have  redeemed  souls,  uplifted  character, 
and  secured  all  that  is  truest  and  best  in  our  modern  civiliza- 
tion. 

A  distinction  is  clearly  recognized  between  Christianity  as 
a  supernatural  truth  and  fact,  and  the  human  agency  through 
which  it  has  chiefly  worked  out  its  progress.  It  is  not  claimed 
that  all  best  morality,  that  all  Christianity  even,  is  limited  to 
the  church.  It  is  not  claimed  that  apart  from  the  church 
there  are  no  social  agencies  for  the  promotion  of  righteousness. 
Due  credit  must  be  given  to  the  State,  the  school,  the  press, 
the  fraternity,  for  useful  and  needful  work  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  Kingdom  of  God  among  men.  But  it  is  claimed 
that  the  church,  loyal  to  its  heavenly  truths — reaching  up, 
however  fallibly,  toward  its  great  ideals  —  proclaiming  as 
clearly  as  it  may  its  gospel  of  redemption  by  Christ,  consum- 
mated in  an  attained  righteousness  of  character — symbolizing 
by  its  social  order  the  brotherhood  of  men,  the  community  of 
all  human  interests,  the  common  dependence  of  all  humanity 
upon  God — it  is  claimed  that  such  a  church  is  an  essential 
force  in  the  promotion  of  all  personal  morality,  and  in  the 
defense  and  maintenance  of  all  that  contributes  to  the  safest 
social  progress  and  the  highest  social  good.  It  is  further 


198  STUDIES  IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

claimed  that  if  the  time  shall  come  when  our  sanctuaries  shall 
be  deserted,  our  pulpits  silenced,  our  Bibles  banished  to  the 
top  shelves  of  our  libraries,  the  thought  of  God  will  then  grow 
dim  and  powerless  in  the  minds  of  men.  It  is  claimed  that  a 
morality  which  is  no  longer  the  supreme  flower  of  an  inward 
divine  life,  a  morality  whose  principles  are  not  grounded  in 
the  nature  of  man  and  in  the  eternal  character  of  God,  but 
only  in  a  mere  social  and  temporary  expediency,  will  be  a 
morality  which  will  rob  life  of  its  sweetness,  duty  of  its  sig- 
nificance, conscience  of  its  authority,  brotherhood  of  its  mean- 
ing, and  which  will  turn  press  and  school  and  State  into  in- 
struments of  confusion — since  they  will  have  lost  the  supreme 
inspiration  to  all  noble  endeavor — and  which  will  sink  society 
into  the  hopelessness  of  chaotic  anarchy.  It  is  further  claimed 
that  the  real  moralities  found  in  men  who  reject  the  church, 
and  the  Christ,  and  even  the  Supreme  God,  are  themselves 
possible,  only,  because  of  the  influence  upon  the  personal  and 
public  conscience,  of  the  Book,  the  worships,  the  activities,  of 
this  despised  church  of  Jesus  Christ.  Once  let  a  stone-blind 
materialism  or  a  purblind  indifferentism  pull  down  this  cen- 
tral column,  that  sustains  humanity  in  its  highest  moral  ac- 
tion, and  the  temple  of  all  worthy  social  order  will  tumble 
into  ruins. 

In  considering  the  relation  of  the  church  and  the  working- 
man,  no  special  emphasis  is  given  to  the  fact  that  the  work- 
ingman  represents  a  class.  The  church,  true  to  its  mission, 
has  nothing  to  do  with  classes,  but  with  men.  The  working- 
man  is  a  man.  It  has  sometimes  seemed  as  if  the  church  had 
forgotten  this  fact.  It  has  sometimes  seemed  as  if  the  work- 
ingman  himself  had  forgotten  it.  By  as  much  as  the  very 
condition  of  a  workingman  makes  his  temptations  fiercer,  his 
sorrows  heavier,  his  path  rougher,  his  lot  harder  than  in  the 
case  of  other  men,  by  so  much  is  his  need  of  the  church  the 
greater,  and  his  claim  upon  the  church  for  instruction,  and 
sympathy,  and  defense,  the  more  urgent.  But  our  theme  re- 
gards him  chiefly  as  a  man.  His  condition  as  a  wage-earner 
is  an  incidental  matter.  His  manhood  is  the  essential  matter. 
He  is  a  man.  Like  other  men,  he  is  God's  child,  and  is  called 
to  recognize  God's  fatherhood.  He  is  a  member  of  a  race  lost, 
but  for  Christ's  redemption  ;  a  soul  himself  lost,  but  by  ac- 


THE  AGE  OF  DEMOCRACY.  199 

ceptance  of  the  Divine  love  extended  to  save  him.  He  is 
called  to  a  personal  faith  in  the  Saviour.  He  has  a  personal 
life  to  be  lived,  and  he  needs  for  himself  all  the  influences 
that  tend  to  make  any  life  wholesome.  He  has  a  personal 
calling  to  fulfill,  and  he  needs  whatever  forces  will  most  help 
toward  a  righteous  fulfillment  of  that  calling.  He  is  a  man. 
Sorrows,  trials,  bitternesses,  pains,  such  as  come  to  others, 
come  to  him.  He  needs  as  others  need,  the  rest,  the  balm,  the 
solace,  the  comfort,  that  from  God  and  from  all  Divine  agen- 
cies for  grace  and  peace  can  come  to  any  man.  He  is  a  man. 
He  represents  a  numerically  very  large  class  of  men.  He 
represents  a  socially  important  class  of  men.  He  calls  him- 
self one  of  the  people.  In  so  styling  himself  he  may  forget 
that  all  men  belong  to  the  people  ;  that  his  rich  neighbor  is  as 
really  one  of  the  people  as  he  himself  is.  But  he  is  one  of  the 
people.  He  is  a  vast  social  factor  to-day.  The  name  which 
he  claims  for  himself  characterizes  the  chief  social  and  politi- 
cal tendency  of  our  era.  This  is  the  people's  era,  the  era  of 
democracy.  Never  before  in  history  did  the  single  fact  of 
manhood  mean  so  much. 

You  are  familiar  with  those  brilliant  pages  introductory  to 
De  Tocqueville's  "  Democracy  in  America."  You  know  the 
course  of  events  there  traced  ;  all  things  in  the  lapse  of  seven 
hundred  years  turning  to  the  advantage  of  manhood :  the 
crusades,  decimating  the  ranks  and  impoverishing  the  for- 
tunes of  the  feudal  nobles  ;  the  birth  of  the  communes,  intro- 
ducing democratic  liberty  into  the  bosom  of  monarchy ;  the 
invention  of  fire-arms,  putting  serfs  and  knights  on  common 
fighting  footing  ;  the  invention  of  printing  opening  the  pos- 
sibilities of  education  and  intelligence  to  all  minds  ;  the  refor- 
mation teaching  every  man  his  common  priesthood  before 
God,  his  common  responsibility  to  Him,  and  his  free  personal 
access  to  Jesus  Christ  for  all  righteousness  in  this  life  and  for 
all  blessedness  in  the  life  to  come  ;  the  discovery  of  America, 
offering  a  thousand  new  fields  to  fortune,  "  and  placing  riches 
and  power  within  the  reach  of  the  adventurous  and  obscure." 
These  and  events  like  these  have  brought  the  age  of  democra- 
cy. "  The  first  duty  imposed  at  this  tune  by  those  who  direct 
our  affairs  Is  to  educate  the  democracy,  to  warm  its  faith  ;  to 
purify  its  morals  ;  to  direct  its  energies  ;  to  substitute  a  knowl- 


200  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

edge  of  business  for  its  inexperience,  and  an  acquaintance  with 
its  true  interests  for  its  blind  propensities."  * 

If  the  church  has  any  place  as  the  educator  of  men ;  if 
best  morality  must  have  divine  sanctions,  and  if  permanently 
best  morality  must  have  the  supports  and  incentives  of  Chris- 
tian truth,  religious  worship,  and  all  the  instruments  of  spirit- 
ual culture,  then  surely,  for  the  sake  of  social  order — no  less 
than  for  the  sake  of  saved  souls  and  Christ's  glory  and  a  peo- 
pled heaven — the  church  can  not  refuse  to  this  workingman 
— the  man  of  the  people — her  most  self-denying  and  earnest 
service.  This  workingman,  for  the  most  part,  has  a  con- 
science. He  has  some  "enthusiasm  of  humanity."  He  de- 
sires social  progress  and  the  social  uplifting  of  all  men,  in 
peaceful  and  orderly  ways.  He,  for  the  most  part,  recognizes 
the  relation  of  the  best  morality  to  the  best  industry  and  its 
best  fruits.  And  this  workingman  ought  to  ask  himself  :  Is  it 
true  that  the  only  real  morality  is  based  on  divine  sanction  ; 
that  right  action  comes  from  right  character  ;  that  right  char- 
acter is  the  product  of  the  inward  life  ;  that  this  inward  life  is 
God's  gift  through  personal  faith  in  His  Son  ;  that  this  inward 
life  is  nurtured,  not  only  by  daily  faithfulness  and  justice,  and 
by  personal  communion  with  God,  but  by  common  and  social 
religious  worship  and  action  ?  This  workingman  ought  to 
read  history  and  see  if  it  be  not  true  that  the  church,  its  teach- 
ings, its  worships,  and  the  divine  inspirations  it  has  put  into 
noblest  lives  have  been  essential  elements  in  the  progress  of 
humanity.  The  workingman,  for  the  sake  of  his  work,  his 
fellows,  industrial  progress,  social  order,  no  less  than  for  the 
sake  of  his  soul,  can  not  afford  to  stand  aside  from  the  church. 
And  the  church,  for  the  sake  of  society,  can  not  afford  to  have 
this  workingman  stand  apart  from  her  spirit,  her  aims,  and 
her  activities. 

Are  there  any  existing  facts  which  would  seem  to  indicate 
neglected  duty  on  the  one  side,  and  alienated  feeling  and 
neglected  opportunity  on  the  other  ?  We  do  not  join  the  cry, 
grieved  or  joyous,  according  to  the  quarter  whence  it  comes, 
that  either  Christianity  or  the  churches  are  losing  their  hold 

*  "  Democracy  in  America,"  Alexis  De  Tocqucville.  New  York :  J.  &  II. 
G.  Langley,  1843,  vol.  i,  pp.  4,  5. 


SOCIALISM  ANTI-CHRISTIAN.  201 

upon  the  minds  of  men.  The  facts  are  against  the  truthful- 
ness of  this  cry.*  Nor  is  it  true  that  among  those  who  remain 
outside  of  all  Christian  and  church  influence  a  proportionately 
greater  number  will  be  found  among  the  laboring  classes  than 
among  the  well-to-do  classes.  Indeed,  few  more  serious  or 
perplexing  problems  confront  the  churches  of  to-day  than 
how  to  reach  the  godless  well-to-do,  those  who  mistake  out- 
ward competence  for  inward  blessedness,  who  say,  "We  are 
rich  and  increased  in  goods  and  have  need  of  nothing,  but  who 
know  not  that  they  are  wretched  and  miserable,  and  poor,  and 
blind,  and  naked."  Yet  making  all  due  allowance  for  truths 
as  against  rumors,  the  exaggerations  of  timidity,  the  prema- 
ture boasts  of  thf  enemies  of  righteousness,  there  are  some 
facts  that  call  for  our  earnest  thought.  Socialism,  as  a  politi- 
cal and  industrial  system,  whether  of  State  or  Anarchist  type, 
is  avowedly  anti-Christian  and  largely  Atheistic.  This  is 
affirmed,  not  now  to  condemn  Socialism,  but  only  to  charac- 
terize it.  This  is  not  said  as  characterizing  all  who  call  them- 
selves Socialists.  But  in  the  sense  in  which  we  have  hereto- 
fore denned  Socialism,  this  statement  is  true  of  Socialism  in 
its  philosophic  basis,  in  its  predominate  tone,  and  as  judged 
by  the  utterances  and  the  practices  of  its  recognized  leaders.! 
Socialism  regards  the  church  as  the  French  Revolutionists  re- 
garded it — an  instrument  for  the  oppression  of  the  masses,  for 
the  soothing  of  conscience,  for  the  lulling  into  quietude  of  all 
manly  discontent ;  a  thing  so  entangled  with  those  institutions 
which  democracy  assails  that  it  is  compelled  "to  reject  the 
equality  which  it  professes  to  love,  and  to  curse,  as  a  foe,  that 
cause  of  liberty  which  it  might  hallow  by  its  alliance. ''  J  ' 4  We 
want  no  church,"  cries  the  typical  Socialist.  Down  with  the 
church  !  Away  with  Christianity  !  The  priests,  the  preach- 
ers, are  worse  than  drones  in  society.  They  are  deceivers. 
They  are  oppressors.  They  are  the  allies  of  the  money  tyrants, 
growing  fat  upon  the  blood  and  toil  of  the  poor.  They  are 
the  hired  defenders  of  the  accursed  system  of  wages  slavery. 

*  Article,  "  Church  Attendance,"  "  North  American  Review,"  vol.  187, 
pp.  76-97. 

t  "  The  Aim  of  Socialism,"  Kev.  John  H.  Oertcr,  "  New  York  Tribune," 
June  1,  1878. 

I "  Democracy  in  America,"  vol.  i,  p.  10. 


202  STUDIES   IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

At  a  large  religious  conference  in  Berlin,  Dr.  Rocholl,  of  Co- 
logne, in  a  paper  on  "What  does  the  Social  Democracy 
Preach  to  the  Church?"  said:  "Social  Democracy  is  irre- 
ligious ;  it  wants  to  abolish  God,  and  to  retain  Christ  only  as 
the  first  social  Democrat."*  No  Socialist  leader  has  contra- 
dicted this  statement.  In  a  discussion  in  Berlin  between 
Christian  Socialists  and  Social  Democrats,  one  of  the  latter, 
now  a  noisy  propagandist  in  America,  said  :  "  The  Social  De- 
mocracy will  not  recede  ;  it  will  pursue  its  course  and  accom- 
plish its  design,  even  though  all  priestdom  should  rise  against 
it,  like  a  cloud  of  locusts  thick  enough  to  darken  the  sun. 
The  Social  Democracy  knows  that  the  days  of  Christianity  are 
numbered,  and  that  the  time  is  not  far  distant  when  we  shall 
say  to  its  priests,  '  Settle  your  account  with  Heaven,  for  your 
hour  is  come.'  "  A  woman  speaker  said  :  "My  religion  is  So- 
cialism, and  it  alone  is  truth,  morality,  justice,  and  brother- 
hood. Down  with  the  priests  of  every  robe  and  every  hue ! 
The  first  reform  to  be  accomplished  is  to  change  all  churches 
into  good  habitations  for  workingmen."  t  There  is  no  mistak- 
ing the  meaning  of  this  language.  This  is  hostility.  This  is 
the  attitude  toward  the  church  of  large  numbers  of  working- 
men  in  Europe,  and  of  no  insignificant  number  in  America. 

Again  :  it  is  said  by  those  who  claim  to  know  the  minds  of 
workingmen,  that  in  our  largest  cities,  like  Chicago  and  New 
York,  not  only  does  a  very  small  minority  attend  church,  but 
that,  Roman  Catholics  aside,  only  a  small  minority  have  any 
concern  for  Christianity.  Mr.  John  S  win  ton,  in  a  letter  to 
the  "  Homiletic  Monthly,"  declared,  "  I  do  not  think  that  one 
tenth  of  the  wage-earning  classes  in  New  York  believe  in 
Christianity  at  all."  }  If  such  statements  are  true,  which  I  do 
not  for  a  moment  admit,  then  the  prospect  for  the  future  of 
the  working  classes  is  a  dismal  and  hopeless  one. 

It  is  said,  that  the  workingman  "finds  a  substitute  for  the 
religious  ideas  that  his  forefathers  had,  in  turning  his  atten- 

*  Quoted  from  Prof.  J.  H.  W.  Stuckenberg,  article,  "  Social  Democracy," 
"The  Homiletic  Keview."  New  York:  Funk  &  W  agnails,  January,  1886, 
p.  93. 

t  Laveleye's  "  Socialism,"  pp.  107,  108. 

I  "  Ilomiletic  Monthly,"  Funk  &  Wagnalls,  August,  18S4,  p.  649. 


ALIENATION   FROM   THE   CHURCHES.  203 

tion  to  the  remedying  of  social  evils,  to  the  uplifting  of  his 
own  class,  and  those  beneath  him,  and  to  the  righting  of  the 
injustice  which  is  sustained  by  the  working  people,  and  which 
is  the  result  of  many  social  conditions  and  influences.  And 
this  result  is  produced  in  his  mind,  to  some  extent,  by  his  ina- 
bility to  understand  why  the  theory  that  is  taught  in  the 
churches  produces  the  practice  that  he  sees  among  church- 
members."  "  One  of  the  reasons  why  the  workingman  does 
not  attend  church  is  his  inability,  if  he  has  a  family,  to  come 
up  to  the  social  requirements  of  church-membership  in  dress 
and  in  contribution  to  the  various  objects  that  the  church  car- 
ries along  with  it."  "I  find,  too,  that  we  have  had  of  late 
years,  and  still  have,  an  increased  ratio  of  church  societies 
composed  almost  exclusively  of  the  aristocracy  ;  that  the 
church  edifices  are  becoming  another  symbol  of  that  peculiar- 
ity on  which  I  have  already  remarked  as  a  product  of  the 
time,  the  division  of  our  people  into  marked  classes. "  *  A 
workingman  writes  in  a  personal  letter  that,  though  a  be- 
liever in  Christianity,  he  can  not  join  any  church  because  of 
the  injustice,  the  aristocratic  spirit,  the  mammon  worship  that 
so  largely  prevails  among  church-members.  Others,  still,  join 
with  the  Socialists  in  affirming  that  the  church  is  the  tool  of 
the  rich  ;  that  ministers  are  the  slaves  of  the  pews  rather  than 
the  servants  of  Christ  ;  that  they  dare  not  preach  the  Gospel 
as  Jesus  and  Paul  preached  it  ;  that  they  preach  down  rather 
than  up,  rebuking  the  poor  rather  than  appealing  to  the  con- 
science of  the  wealthy,  that  they  deal  with  theological  ab- 
stractions rather  than  with  the  facts  of  life  and  daily  duty  ; 
that  in  the  church  the  workingman  misses  a  "  living  voice  and 
guidance  in  the  difficulties  which  the  world  presents  to  him  ; 
any  keen  sense  even  of  the  problems  which  he  is  so  often  blun- 
deringly endeavoring  to  solve,  and  which  press  so  heavily 
upon  him."f  Whether  these  statements  be  false  or  true  or 
even  partly  true,  is  not  now  questioned.  The  statements  are 
quoted  that  we  may  know  how  some  workingmen  feel  and 
talk. 

There  are  statements  to  be  made  from  the  other  side.     Mr. 

*  "  Rep.  of  Senate  Com.  on  Labor,"  vol.  i,  p.  50. 

t  "  Work  among  Workingraen."     Ellice  Hopkins,  p.  188. 


204:  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

John  Jarrett,  President  of  the  Amalgamated  Association  of 
Iron  and  Steel  Workers,  himself  a  Congregationalist,  testified 
before  the  Senate  Committee  on  Labor:  "Our  object  in  our 
organization  is  to  bring  into  actual  operation  Christian  influ- 
ences and  Christian  principles  as  taught  by  the  Christian  re- 
ligion." He  was  asked  :  "To  what  extent  do  what  we  call 
evangelical  Bible  influences  dominate  or  obtain  in  the  rituals 
of  trades-unions  and  in  the  moral  lessons  and  principles  which 
they  inculcate  ?  Are  they  antagonistic  to  the  drift  of  evangel- 
ical doctrines  generally  ? "  Mr.  Jarrett  replied  :  "As  far  as  our 
organization  is  concerned  they  are  in  perfect  accord.  We  had 
a  convention  in  Philadelphia  a  few  weeks  ago,  and  I  would 
venture  to  assert  that  of  the  one  hundred  and  eighty-six 
delegates  who  were  present,  representing  lodges  from  Port- 
land, Me.,  to  Oakland,  Cal.,  seven  eighths  were  men  who 
were  connected  with  Christian  churches."  *  I  asked  a  friend 
who  has  a  large  acquaintance  among  workingmen,  and  ex- 
ceptional advantages  for  meeting  them,  to  inquire  of  those 
whom  he  regarded  as  non-church-goers  the  reasons  for  their 
conduct.  He  gave  me  these  results  of  his  inquiry  :  Seventy- 
five  per  cent  refused  to  admit  that  they  did  not  attend  church. 
They  did  attend,  not  regularly,  but  very  frequently.  Of  the 
remainder,  a  few  said  :  We  do  not  believe  in  these  things. 
The  most  said  :  We  are  too  tired  ;  we  have  no  special  inter- 
est ;  we  prefer  to  give  our  Sundays  to  rest  and  recreation. 

I  have  been  pastor  of  three  churches.  The  first  was  com- 
posed largely  of  working  people.  It  has  not  changed  its 
character  in  more  than  twenty  years,  and  has  abundantly 
prospered.  Many  came  into  that  church  almost  paupers,  ig- 
norant, rude,  to  find  themselves  straightway  started  on  a  path 
leading  to  improved  social  and  industrial  conditions.  The 
first  definite  lessons  I  learned  as  to  the  relations  between 
Christian  morality  and  good  industry,  thrift  and  increasing 
competency,  were  learned  amid  those  early  pastoral  experi- 
ences with  mechanics,  clerks,  longshoremen  and  sewing-girls. 
The  other  two  churches  have  had  workingmen  and  their  fam- 
ilies in  the  congregations,  and  the  majority  of  the  members  are 
people  of  limited  means.  The  questions  of  dress,  pew-rent, 

*  "Kep.  of  Senate  Com.,"  vol.  i,  p.  1160. 


THE   CHURCH   FOR  ALL   CLASSES.  205 

benevolent  contributions,  never  have  troubled  us.  No  poor 
man  or  woman  has  ever  been  elbowed  or  made  to  feel  out  of 
place.  In  the  church,  there  has  been  brotherhood,  no  matter 
what  social  distinction  may  have  existed  outside  the  church. 
There  may  have  been  exceptional  action  on  the  part  of  indi- 
viduals. But  the  whole  spirit  of  the  churches  has  been  against 
such  exceptional  action.  I  have  never  known  of  a  man  who 
was  asked  to  give  beyond  his  ability,  or  who  was  not  left 
to  his  own  judgment  as  to  the  measure  of  his  ability.  I 
never  knew  social  or  financial  status  to  be  made  directly  or 
most  remotely  a  test  of  membership  or  of  good  standing. 
Poor  men  and  women  have  found  warm  welcome  and  Chris- 
tian sympathy  and  kindly  counsel  and  practical  help.  I  have 
talked  to  audiences  composed  largely  of  working  people,  and 
I  found  it  impossible,  except  in  rare  instances,  to  distinguish  by 
dress  workingmen  and  their  families  from  business  men  and 
their  families.  And  in  these  rare  instances  the  disordered 
dress  was  not  the  badge  of  labor,  but  the  sign  of  personal  care- 
lessness or  slovenliness.  And  what  is  true  of  the  churches  I 
have  had  the  honor  to  serve  is,  I  am  confident,  true  of  the 
vast  majority  of  churches.  I  do  not  know  of  a  church  from 
which  the  badge  of  honest  labor  will  exclude  a  man.  I  do 
not  know  of  a  church,  that  does  not  open  its  doors,  and  that 
is  not  eagerly  reaching  out  its  hands  to  those  who  wear  these 
badges.*  To  be  sure,  in  large  cities  there  are  what  are  called 
the  churches  of  the  rich.  This  is  a  misfortune.  A  class 
church,  whether  of  rich  or  poor,  is  so  far  as  it  is  a  class  church 
something  less  than  a  Christian  church.  There  is  one  reason, 
however,  for  the  fact  that  so  many  churches  are  composed, 
mainly,  of  the  well-to-do  or  rich,  to  which  the  workingmen 
ought  to  give  good  heed.  "The  Christian  is  temperate,  is 
regular  and  frugal  in  his  habits.  Start  such  a  man,  or  a  com- 
munity composed  of  such  men,  poor,  and  riches  will  be  apt  to 
be  overtaken.  Hence  it  is  very  natural  that  the  wealth  of  the 
world  after  these  centuries  should  belong  to  the  Christian 

*  This  is  only  ray  experience.  A  good  many  testimonies  have  reached  me, 
which  constrain  to  a  sad  modification  of  these  statements.  It  is  to  be  feared 
that  there  are  too  many  churches  where  the  Nazarcne  carpenter  would  receive 
anything  hut  cordial  welcome. 


206  STUDIES   IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

nations.  Let  Five  Points,  New  York,  become  thoroughly 
Christian,  and  Murray  Hill  thoroughly  wicked  ;  in  a  century 
the  children's  children  of  the  two  neighborhoods  will  have 
changed  abodes."  * 

Far  be  it  from  me  to  relieve  the  Christian  churches  of  all 
blame  and  to  say  that  no  responsibilities  attach  to  them  for 
any  alienation  that  may  exist  among  the  working  classes  from 
the  Gospel  or  from  the  church.  There  is  blame.  There  is  re- 
sponsibility. The  church  is  a  human  institution  through 
which  a  divine  life  is  working.  That  divine  life  conditions 
itself  by  the  humanity  through  which  it  works.  The  ideal 
has  never  been  reached.  The  finished  product  of  which  Chris- 
tianity is  capable  has  not  yet  appeared.  In  the  name  of  re- 
ligion crimes  have  been  committed.  In  the  garb  of  religion 
hypocrisies  have  been  cloaked.  With  the  stamp  of  religion 
base  coin  has  had  social  circulation.  Even  when  men  have 
tried  to  do  their  duty  there  has  been  a  tendency  to  lose  sight 
of  primal  Christian  principles,  until  some  great  crisis  has 
aroused  the  church  to  a  feassertion  of  principles,  and  to  a 
reformation  of  conduct  based  upon  these  principles.  The 
truths,  and  worships,  and  social  forces  of  the  church  have  not 
always  succeeded  in  producing  the  noblest  types  of  character. 
A  religion  of  mere  creed,  or  a  religion  of  mere  sentiment,  has 
emasculated  conscience  and  failed  to  hold  the  soul  up  to  a  life 
of  steadfast  righteousness  of  action,  as  under  the  eye  and  ac- 
cording to  the  will  of  God.  The  Gospel  of  Christ  has  been 
often  faultily  conceived  and  faultily  presented  by  its  commis- 
sioned teachers.  And  even  when  truth  has  been  preached — 
not  as  a  scheme  of  mere  life-insurance,  but  as  the  Divine  pow- 
er for  such  redeemed  character  as  should  find  in  personal  sal- 
vation only  the  means  for  pouring  itself  out  in  service  for  the 
good  of  others — even  then  the  truth  lias  fallen  on  trodden 
wayside  to  be  devoured  by  birds,  or  on  rock  to  be  sun-dried,  or 
among  thorns  that  have  choked  its  growth,  and  only  some  of 
it  has  found  lodgment  in  good  soil,  and  brought  forth  fruit. 
What  wonder  if  there  have  been  men  in  the  churches  who,  in 
spite  of  the  gospel  of  love,  have  grown  great  in  their  selfish- 

*  "The  Gospel  and  the  Poor  in  our  Cities,"  art.,  "Homilctic  Monthly," 
December,  1883,  p.  168. 


WHAT   THE   CHURCHES   OUGHT   TO   LEARN.  207 

ness  ;  and  who,  in  spite  of  the  gospel  of  service,  have  become 
cruel  in  their  tyrannies;  and  who,  in  spite  of  the  gospel  of 
brotherhood,  have  by  some  word,  or  deed,  or  sneer  of  brutal 
scorn,  blindly  mistaken  as  representing  the  spirit  of  the 
church,  turned  away  the  poor  man,  wounded  in  his  just  pride 
of  humanity,  often  from  the  sanctuary  and  sometimes  from 
Christ !  If  all  in  the  church  who  are  leaders  in  the  world's 
affairs  had  so  gained  and  used  wealth  and  social  influence  as 
many  have  gained  and  used  them,  the  false  Socialism  of  our 
modern  time  could  have  had  neither  an  origin  nor  an  argu- 
ment. The  churches  are  not  wholly  blameless. 

And  the  churches  have  yet  to  learn  more  clearly  and  to 
practice  more  consistently  the  lessons  which  the  gospel  teach- 
es. They  have  yet  to  learn  what  large  meanings  are  in  the 
words  manhood,  brotherhood,  society.  They  have  yet  to 
learn  the  significance  of  the  phrases,  "  the  kingdom  of  God," 
"  a  redeemed  humanity,"  a  "  city  of  God,"  a  divine  commu- 
nism "  come  down  from  God  out  of  heaven."  They  have  yet 
to  learn  what  winsome  power  there  is  in  the  gracious  smile, 
the  kindly  word,  the  fraternal  hand-grasp,  the  many  nameless 
ways  of  Christlike  courtesy  offered  to  the  most  ill-clad  and 
crusty  stranger  who  enters  their  sanctuary.  They  have  yet  to 
learn  the  evangelistic  power  there  is  in  a  just  and  true  charac- 
ter, and  in  a  serviceable,  honorable,  noble  life.  They  have 
yet  to  learn  far  more  thoroughly  than  they  have  ever  learned 
that  the  gospel  is  for  man  as  a  citizen  of  this  world  ;  that  it  is 
not  a  peeping,  muttering,  self-circumscribed  thing,  with  all 
thin  and  vague  sentimentalities,  wasting  itself  in  vapid  emo- 
tions, but  that  it  is  a  robust  and  vital  thing,  grandly  heroic, 
full  of  strong  passions,  and  destined  to  shape  characters  large 
with  all  righteousness.  They  have  yet  to  learn  the  meaning 
of  their  own  Lord's  Prayer  :  "Thy  will  be  done  on  earth  as  it 
is  in  heaven."  "Thy  will  be  done  on  earth";  not  in  the 
sanctuary  alone,  but  in  the  family,  on  the  farm,  hi  the  work- 
shop, the  mine,  the  market,  the  counting-room,  in  honest 
work,  and  equitable  division  of  profits,  in  buying  and  selling, 
in  the  lawyer's  office  and  the  editor's  sanctum,  in  cabinets, 
and  congresses,  and  legislatures,  and  court-rooms!  "Thy 
will  be  done  on  earth";  as  deeds  of  righteousness,  justice, 
charity,  sacrifice,  and  service  are  done  !  The  churches  must 


208  STUDIES  IN  MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

learn  that  to  be  a  Christian  anywhere,  one  must  be  a  Christian 
everywhere.  And  they  must  believe,  and  teach,  and  act  the 
truth,  that  this  great  social  order,  with  its  intellectual  activi- 
ties, its  industrial  agencies,  its  material  wealth,  is  an  order  for 
God's  world  ;  and  that  if  the  devil  has  usurped  control  of  vast 
acres  in  this  order  and  turned  them  into  fields  of  unjust  disor- 
der, it  is  the  work  of  Christian  men  to  drive  the  usurper  out 
and  win  God's  order  back  again.  There  is  a  robust,  business- 
like, work-day  manliness  in  Christ's  gospel.  And  the  church- 
es must  throw  off  all  traces  of  a  monastic,  etherealized  pietism, 
and  come  back  to  the  large,  strong  manliness  of  Jesus  Christ. 
And  yet,  all  drawbacks  and  exceptions  aside,  the  churches 
of  Jesus  Christ  have  been  the  strongest  force  in  the  production 
of  whatever  is  best  and  worthiest  in  our  modern  civilization. 
Again,  no  exclusive  claim  is  made.  It  is  not  forgotten  that 
what  has  called  itself  the  church  has  often,  in  history,  been 
against  Christ,  freedom,  humanity,  progress.  It  is  not  forgot- 
ten that  Christianity  is  diffusive,  and  that  the  rains  of  heaven 
are  stored  for  man's  use  in  other  reservoirs  than  the  central 
ones.  But  it  is  true  that  the  people,  who  have  given  Christian 
force  to  other  agencies  for  social  order  and  progress,  have  been, 
on  the  whole,  identified  with  the  religious  life  and  worship  of 
Christian  churches.  And  what  has  Christianity,  conveyed 
through  the  channels  of  the  church  into  all  departments  of 
social  action,  done  for  society  ?  What  good  thing  has  it  not 
done  ?  What  has  it  not  done  for  the  workman  and  his  class  ? 
It  has  abolished  slavery,  emancipated  childhood,  uplifted 
womanhood.  It  has  fought  all  battles  for  human  freedom 
and  the  rights  of  man.  Infidelity  and  false  philosophies  have 
borrowed  its  standards,  its  weapons,  and  its  watchwords.  All 
that  distinguishes  the  workingman  of  America  and  Europe 
from  the  Chinese  coolie,  the  Hindoo  pariah,  the  Egyptian 
fellah,  and  the  proUtaire  of  ancient  Eome  is  due  to  Chris- 
tianity.* Christianity  has  been  the  mother  of  science,  the 
nurse  of  art,  the  promoter  of  invention.  In  the  report  of  the 
French  Commission  on  the  World's  Exposition  of  1851  we 
read  :  "The  exhibition  has  demonstrated  to  the  whole  world 
what  the  manufacturers  and  shippers  knew,  viz. ,  that  industry  " 

*  "  Gesta  Christi,"  Charles  Loring  Brace. 


THE  BIBLE  AND  THE  WORKMAN.  209 

— the  great  industry  of  steam  and  electricity,  which  defy  time 
and  space — "does  not  exist  except  in  Christian  lands." *  Noth- 
ing but  Christianity  asserts  clearly  the  brotherhood  of  man 
and  puts  on  an  enduring  foundation  the  relation  of  all  men  to 
the  Father  God,  revealed  in  the  divine  human  Sonship  of  Je- 
sus Christ.  Let  me  quote  the  words  of  an  English  essayist : 
' '  His  teaching  that  a  service  done  to  the  least  of  His  brethren 
is  done  to  Him,  and  that  one  refused  to  the  least  of  His  breth- 
ren is  refused  to  Him  ;  that  the  love  of  men  for  each  other  is 
nothing  but  the  poor  sign  and  meager  taint  of  that  love  of 
God  for  men  which  is  destined  to  produce  infinitely  richer  and 
better  fruit ;  that  it  is  the  divinp  life  which  feeds  the  sense  of 
human  brotherhood ;  that  unity  in  him  is  the  only  security 
for  that  true  democracy,  which  is  but  a  transformed  theocracy 
formed  on  the  inward  and  intense  type  to  which  Christ  gives 
us  the  key — this  teaching  it  is  which  is  the  fountain-head  of 
the  gospel  of  fraternity,  and  which  alone  ennobles  and  justi- 
fies it."f  Workingmen,  brothers  of  the  workingman,  Jesus 
Christ !  Here,  in  Christianity  alone,  is  the  charter  of  your 
freedom  and  the  guarantee  of  your  rights. 

If  there  is  a  book  in  all  literature  which  the  workman  may 
claim  as  his  own  it  is  the  Bible.  As  no  other  book  it  is  God's 
Book.  But  it  is  humanity's  Book.  It  is  especially  the  work- 
ingman's  Book.  Here  the  son  of  a  brickmaking  slave  in- 
scribes his  laws.  Here  the  shepherd  David  sings  his  songs. 
Here  the  herdsman  Amos  utters  his  prophecy.  Here  Peter 
and  John,  the  fishermen,  and  Paul,  the  tent-maker,  preach 
and  write.  Here,  above  all  else,  are  the  wondrous  words  and 
the  story  of  the  life  and  death,  for  humanity,  of  the  carpenter  of 
Nazareth.  Nowhere,  as  in  this  Book,  is  the  dignity  of  labor  and 
the  manly  independence  of  honest  work  so  clearly  set  forth. 
Yet  this  is  the  Church's  Book.  Its  truths  are  the  truths  she 
teaches.  Its  words  are  the  vehicle  of  her  prayers  and  the  in- 
spiration of  her  songs.  By  it  she  appeals  to  men's  consciences 
for  highest  integrity  of  conduct.  Its  pages  she  scatters  broad- 

*  Quoted  from  "  The  Christ,"  by  Ernest  Naville.  Edinburgh  :  T.  &  T. 
Clark,  1880,  p.  51. 

t  "  Essays  Theological  and  Literary,"  by  Eichard  Holt  Ilutton.  London : 
Daldy,  Isbister  &  Co.,  1877,  p.  xxix. 


210  STUDIES  IN   MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

cast  on  the  world,  true  leaves  from  the  tree  of  life  that  are  for 
the  healing  of  the  nations.  Her  Book  is  your  Book,  and  you 
and  the  Church  ought  to  stand  in  the  harmony  of  a  common 
interest  and  ownership. 

It  is  Christianity  that  has  promoted  the  growth  of  those  in- 
dividual and  corporate  enterprises  which  have  brought  to  the 
workingman  such  increased  share  in  the  common  good  of  ad- 
vancing civilization  as  he  to-day  enjoys.  Wherever  men  are 
found  who  recognize  their  responsibility  for  all  righteous  and 
humane  uses  of  wealth,  there,  in  the  main,  Christian  con- 
sciences will  be  found.  Wherever  there  are  noble  captains  of 
industry,  who  exercise  their  prerogative  of  command  as  a 
trust  for  largest  social  service,  there,  in  the  main,  will  be 
found  men  who  acknowledge  the  supreme  captaincy  of  Jesus 
Christ.  They  who  have  promoted  education,  established  hos- 
pitals, endowed  free  libraries  in  towns,  cities,  factories,  pro- 
moted reforms  in  the  construction  of  workingmen's  homes, 
introduced  kindness  instead  of  brutality  into  prison  discipline, 
fought  against  obscene  literature,  gambling,  and  all  forms  of 
vice  and  on  behalf  of  humanity  toward  children  and  dumb 
animals,  are,  ninety-nine  per  cent  of  them,  men  and  women 
who  are  either  themselves  Christians  and  in  active  church  life, 
or  they  in  whose  veins  flows  the  blood  and  about  whose  youth 
have  clustered  the  influences  of  a  Christ-inspired  and  church- 
trained  ancestry. 

What  but  the  gospel,  the  gospel  which  the  Bible  and  the 
church  proclaim  to  humanity,  has  any  proffer  of  hope  or  help 
for  men  who  are  down,  and  who  are  struggling  to  rise  ?  What 
have  naturalism  or  materialism  to  say  to  those  who  are  weak, 
who  are  encumbered  by  evil  heritage  or  unfavoring  surround- 
ings ?  What  have  Strauss,  or  Darwin,  or  Spencer  to  tell 
them  but  that  the  strongest  survive  ;  that  might  makes  right  ; 
that  natural  laws  must  be  allowed  to  work  unhindered  ;  that 
laissez  faire  is  the  only  true  principle  for  the  guidance  of  per- 
sonal and  social  action  ;  that  "  in  this  enormous  machine  of 
the  universe,  amid  the  incessant  whirl  and  hiss  of  its  jagged 
iron  wheels,  amid  the  deafening  crash  of  its  ponderous  stamps 
and  hammers,  man  finds  himself  placed  helpless  and  defense- 
less, not  secure  for  a  moment,  that  on  some  unforeseen  motion 
a  wheel  may  not  seize  and  rend  him,  or  a  hammer  crush  him 


THE   CHURCH  FOR  THE  PEOPLE.  211 

to  powder  ?  "  *  Such  a  gospel  !  Where  is  its  good  news  ? 
Where  is  its  hand  to  lift  men  ?  Yet  this  is  the  message  of 
materialism,  of  all  Atheistic  Socialism  to  the  workingman. 
"It  is  impossible  to  understand,"  said  Laveleye,  "by  what 
strange  blindness  Socialists  adopt  Darwinian  theories,  which 
condemn  their  claims  of  equality,  while  at  the  same  tune  they 
reject  Christianity,  whence  these  claims  have  issued  and 
whence  their  justification  may  be  found."  t  The  gospel  alone 
brings  hope.  It  says  to  the  weakest,  poorest,  obscurest  man, 
you  are  a  man,  God's  child,  Christ's  brother  !  Look  up  !  Rise 
up  !  All  Divine  forces  are  with  you  !  Workingman,  one  of 
the  people,  where  will  you  find  a  voice  that  so  speaks  to  man 
as  man,  as  the  voice  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  the  Son  of  Man,  the 
Son  of  God,  the  people's  friend,  the  one  being  foretold  in 
prophecy  and  revealed  in  history,  as  set  to  be  "  the  leader  and 
commander  of  the  people  "  ? 

It  is  this  Christ  and  His  gospel  that  the  churches  are  bring- 
ing to  the  people.  Yes,  to  the  people  !  Never  in  modern 
times  has  this  statement  been  truer  than  it  is  to-day.  The 
church  for  the  rich  !  It  is  a  slander  contradicted  by  facts. 
The  church  is  for  men.  Sanctuary  doors  can  not  stand  open 
more  widely.  The  Gospel  has  never,  since  its  birth  century, 
been  carried  more  earnestly  into  the  homes  and  hearts  and 
lives  of  the  people.  There  is  much  to  be  done  ;  much  that 
may  be  done  in  better  ways.  But  the  church  is  learning.  Her 
views  of  the  commission  of  her  Lord  are  broadening.  She  is 
honestly  trying  to  do  her  Master's  work,  in  having  God's  will 
done  on  earth  even  as  it  is  done  in  heaven. 

In  accomplishing  her  mission,  the  church  asks  the  confi- 
dence, the  sympathy,  the  co-operation  of  workingmen — the 
people.  She  asks  no  man's  patronage.  She  will  cater  to  no 
man's  prejudices  or  preconceptions.  She  is  too  much  assured 
of  the  divineness  of  her  calling,  and  of  the  greatness  of  the 
spiritual  graces  and  the  social  forces  she  holds  in  trust  for  hu- 
manity, to  allow  her  to  be  the  partisan  of  any  social  class. 
She  can  not  assert  and  defend  the  claims  of  workingmen  as 
such,  or  the  claims  of  rich  men  as  such.  She  can  and  will 

*  Strauss,  "  The  Old  Faith  and  the  New." 
t  Laveleye' s  "  Socialism,"  p.  20. 


212  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

assert,  in  the  name  of  God  and  humanity,  the  righteous  claims 
and  the  righteous  duties  of  all  men  as  men,  the  brothers  of 
her  Lord.  In  her  public  teachings  every  man's  complaint 
shall  have  a  hearing,  every  man's  difficulties  fair  considera- 
tion, every  man's  needs  the  supply,  and  his  sorrows  the  solace 
of  the  Gospel.  The  economic  solution  of  the  relation  between 
capital  and  labor  will  be  found  when  men  regard  themselves 
no  longer  as  capitalists  or  laborers,  but  as  men  ;  each  man, 
under  the  golden  law  of  Christ,  using  his  capital  or  his  labor 
for  the  rendering  of  equal  and  exact  justice  to  each  other 
man. 

Workingmen  !  You  need  the  church  ;  not  alone  for  the 
sake  of  your  souls  ;  nor  alone  for  the  sake  of  that  sweet  light 
that  comes  from  Heaven  to  cheer  you  in  your  hours  of  dark- 
ness and  bereavement.  Because  best  morality  is  best  industry 
and  best  social  progress  ;  because  best  morality  is  Christian 
morality  ;  because  Christian  morality  is  not  moral  principle 
only,  but  a  force  of  spiritual  motive,  and  the  inward  power  of 
a  spiritual  life  ;  because  morality  divorced  from  religion  is 
cold  expediency,  and  religion  divorced  from  morality  is  fruit- 
less superstition  ;  because  best  morality  involves  the  supreme 
sanctions  of  the  righteousness  of  God,  the  eternal  lawgiver 
and  Father,  and  the  supreme  constraints  of  the  cross  and  the 
love  of  the  redeeming  Christ ;  because  the  weight  of  these 
sanctions  and  the  power  of  these  constraints  are  best  fostered 
not  merely  by  daily  practice  of  righteousness,  but  by  this  prac- 
tice united  with  the  worships  and  teachings  and  fellowships  of 
the  Christian  sanctuary,  where  the  powers  of  the  world  to 
come  put  their  ennobling  impulses  into  all  the  channels  of  our 
daily  toil ;  therefore,  for  the  sake  of  best  industry  you  need 
the  church. 

Nothing  can  take  the  place  of  the  church,  or  do  for  you  the 
work  that  it  can  do — not  lodges,  fraternities,  orders,  clubs. 
You  may  have  these.  You  have  a  right  to  these  for  social, 
business  ends  ;  even  for  partisan  and  class  ends.  You  may 
learn  through  these  morality  and  brotherhood,  yet  not  the 
highest  morality  nor  the  largest  brotherhood.  Class  brother- 
hood, whether  in  exclusive  rich  churches,  or  in  labor  unions,  is 
not  the  broad,  fair,  universal  brotherhood  taught  by  Christ. 
Society  is  more  than  a  class.  The  body  is  larger  than  the 


WORKMEN  NEED  TEE  CEURCE.  213 

head  or  hand  or  any  memher.  Lawyers  always  consorting 
with  lawyers,  preachers  with  preachers,  members  of  any  trade 
or  profession  always  consorting  together,  are  of  necessity  men 
narrowed  and  so  far  degraded.  A  trades-union  may  develop 
the  spirit  of  brotherhood  ;  beautiful  as  far  as  it  goes,  but  class 
brotherhood  after  all,  and  so,  in  the  highest  sense,  neither  so- 
cial, nor  human,  nor  Christian.  Not  in  mere  consort  with 
men  of  your  own  rank,  not  alone  by  consort  with  men  of 
other  ranks  in  the  activities  of  life,  not  alone  by  consort  of 
employers  with  employed  at  council  boards  of  arbitration,  will 
men  learn  so  well  the  dear  Christ-lesson  of  brotherhood  as  in 
the  Christian  sanctuary,  where,  with  common  wants  and  com- 
mon aspirations,  joining  in  common  praise  and  prayer  to  a 
common  Father,  rich  and  poor  meet  together  in  the  presence 
of  the  Lord,  who  is  the  Maker  of  them  all. 

You  need  the  church.  You  need  a  particular  church. 
Some  sanctuary  ought  to  be  your  spiritual  home,  and  with 
loving  reverence  you  ought  to  frequent  its  courts.  I  know 
that  some  workingmen  are  suspicious  of  the  church.  I  know 
that  some  are  doubtful  of  the  good  intentions  of  any  Chris- 
tian pastor  who  seeks  to  touch  the  problems  of  their  lives,  un- 
less he  will  consent  to  be  a  partisan  and  a  demagogue,  the 
sort  of  man  that  no  fair-minded,  honest  pastor  can  ever  be. 
But  these  do  not  understand  us.  They  do  not  know  the  ear- 
nest, prayerful,  pained  longing  of  the  hearts,  that  by  as  much 
as  they  have  the  spirit  of  Christ  are  yearning  to  do  them 
good.  They  do  not  know  from  what  vantage-ground  we 
study  their  lives  and  seek  to  impart  to  them  the  personal  pow- 
ers and  the  social  forces  that  have  thus  far  molded  history, 
and  that  will  bring  to  large,  safe  issues  in  the  future  the  con- 
flicts of  the  hour.  Workingmen,  repel  not  the  hands  that  for 
loving  service  would  grasp  and  hold  your  own.  For  the  sake 
of  society,  civilization,  progress,  industry,  lives  every  way  bet- 
tered in  condition,  your  own  souls  and  the  souls  of  your  chil- 
dren, do  not  regard  the  churches  of  Christ  with  contempt, 
indifference,  alienation,  neglect.  I  speak  for  myself  and  my 
people,  for  many  of  my  brother  pastors  and  their  flocks,  when 
I  declare  to  you  that  the  doors  of  our  sanctuaries  are  open  to 
you  ;  that  what  courtesy  we  can  show,  what  sympathy  we  can 
give,  what  instruction  we  can  offer,  what  comfort,  and  peace,  , 


214  STUDIES  IN  MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

and  inspiration  for  all  worthy  living  we  can  furnish  in  the 
Gospel — all  are  at  your  disposal.  They  are  not  ours,  but  our 
Master's.  In  His  name  we  offer  them.  In  humanity's  name, 
accept  and  use  them.  Come  in  your  working  garb,  if  you 
have  no  other.  Come  to  forget  your  scant  clothing  in  the 
thought  of  Christ,  and  to  lose  for  the  hour  the  sense  of  all  sor- 
row and  wrong  in  the  presence  of  His  great  love.  Come  to 
feel  our  hearts  and  His,  and  to  learn  the  lesson  of  brother- 
hood at  His  feet. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

A  SURVEY  OF  THE  FIELD  :  REVIEW  AND  OUTLOOK. 

"  The  power  that  broke  their  prison-bar 

And  set  the  dusky  millions  free, 
And  welded  in  the  flame  of  war 

The  Union  fast  to  Liberty, 
Shall  it  not  deal  with  other  ills, 

Eedress  the  red  man's  grievance,  break 
The  Circean  cup  which  shames  and  kills, 

And  Labor  full  requital  make  ? 

Give  every  child  his  right  of  school, 

Merge  private  greed  in  public  good, 
And  spare  a  treasury  overfull 

The  tax  upon  a  poor  man's  food  ? " —  Whittier. 

IT  was  a  wild  niglit  in  winter.  I  sat  before  a  glowing 
grate,  thinking  of  the  multitude  of  people  who  were  cold  and 
hungry.  Up  into  the  study  came  a  weird  and  awful  wail  ;  a 
wail  of  anger  too  ;  a  sound  of  mingled  hopelessness  and  hate, 
the  discordant  music  swept  by  fierce  heart-passion  from  the 
untuned  or  broken  strings  of  a  wounded  life.  The  wail  came 
in  the  shape  of  a  letter.  The  letter  told  of  a  struggle,  baffled 
and  in  vain.  It  voiced  the  anguish  not  of  one  unfortunate 
alone,  but  of  thousands — those  for  whom  society  seems  to  have 
little  need  and  less  care  ;  the  broken-down  merchants,  the 
lawyers,  physicians,  preachers,  musicians,  who  are  not  want- 
ed ;  who  are  told  with  that  wicked  waste  we  make  of  some  of 
our  best  resources,  you  are  too  old  ;  who  can  get  nothing  to  do 
that  they  are  able  to  do  ;  who  have  sunk  like  broken  bubbles 
beneath  the  waves  of  social  knowledge  and  help,  and  who 
shiver  and  starve  in  the  depths  and  the  darkness.  As  deep 


216  STUDIES  IN   MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

calling  unto  deep  sounded  out  that  awful  wail,  seeming  to 
mingle  with  the  wind  that  dashed  the  snow-flakes  against  the 
windows,  and  to  whirl  fiercely  upon  my  ear  the  mocking  re- 
frain of  distrust,  "Where  is  now  thy  God?"  Yet  at  last, 
above  all  the  noises  of  the  storm  and  the  cries  of  wrecked  or 
struggling  men,  came  the  words  of  one  over  whom  water- 
spouts had  broken  and  who  had  fed  day  and  night  on  tears, 
"  Why  cast  down  ?  Why  disquieted  ?  Hope  in  God !  "  Here 
on  the  fact,  that  at  the  heart  of  all  discords  is  the  eternal  har- 
mony, the  righteous  God,  we  take  our  stand  and  rest.  For 
here  all  noblest,  truest  men  have  stood — the  reformers,  mar- 
tyrs, heroes  of  the  ages.  Here  have  stood  the  Isaiahs,  Pauls, 
Wycliffes,  Savonarolas,  Luthers  of  the  church,  the  Galileos, 
Newtons,  Agassizs  of  science,  the  Cromwells,  Washingtons, 
Clarksons,  Garrisons,  Lincolns  of  the  State  ;  their  enthusiasm 
fanned,  their  patience  rendered  inexhaustible  by  this  eternal 
fact,  God. 

"  Count  me  o'er  earth's  chosen  heroes — they  were  souls  that  stood  alone 
While  the  men  they  agonized  for  hurled  the  contumelious  stone, 
Stood  serene,  and  down  the  future  saw  the  golden  beam  incline 
To  the  side  of  perfect  justice,  mastered  by  their  faith  divine, 
By  one  man's  plain  truth  to  manhood  and  to  God's  supreme  design."  * 

They  stood  alone,  but  they  stood  with  God,  believing  that 
whatever  things  are  right,  and  true,  and  just,  shall,  be  ut 
last,  because  God  is  right,  and  true,  and  just  ;  and  that  be- 
cause God  is  and  rules,  all  the  stars  in  their  courses  fight  for 
right,  and  truth,  and  justice,  against  the  blind  and  warring 
hosts  on  all  earth's  battle-fields.  With  any  adequate  knowl- 
edge of  existing  social  facts,  only  the  thought  of  God  can  give 
faith  in  the  present  or  hope  for  the  future.  Only  as  we  can 
discover  where  God  and  the  eternal  principles  of  his  justice 
are,  can  we  discern  where  the  real  right  and  the  lines  of  our 
duty  are,  and  can,  with  the  courage  of  divine  conviction,  "dare 
to  take  the  side  that  seems  wrong  to  man's  blindfold  eye. " 

It  has  been  a  long  and  tortuous  path  we  have  traversed  to- 
gether— a  path  filled  with  rocks  and  thorns,  with  precipices 
and  narrow  defiles,  and  rugged  ascents  of  difficulty  and  dan- 

*  "  The  Present  Crisis,"  James  Rus.-ell  Lowell. 


SOCIAL   PROBLEMS   DIFFICULT.  217 

ger.  There  have  been  difficulties  in  the  very  nature  of  the 
questions  considered.  Economic  problems  are  not  easy  even 
of  intellectual  solution.  Economic  principles  are  not  all  capa- 
ble of  brief  and  simple  statement.  The  problems  are  intri- 
cate. The  principles  are  many-sided.  They  must  be  looked 
under  and  over,  and  around  and  through.  They  must  be 
stated  with  conditions,  exceptions,  modifications.  The  area  to 
be  traversed  is  vast.  The  relations  of  all  social  facts,  the  one 
to  the  other,  are  far-reaching.  We  have  only  entered  the 
edge  of  the  thicket.  We  have  only  blazed  a  few  prominent 
trees,  indicating  the  direction  one  must  follow  to  come  at  last 
upon  open  country  and  clear  skies.  There  are  grave  problems 
lying  close  to  the  central  ones,  questions  such  as  land  tenure, 
banking,  coinage,  tariffs,  that  have  not  been  touched. 

There  have  been  difficulties  in  the  relation  of  the  questions 
discussed  to  the  supposed  personal  interests  of  all  social  classes. 
The  pocket  is  a  very  sensitive  place  for  most  people  ;  whether 
the  pocket  be  a  full  or  an  empty  one.  And  a  sensitive  pocket 
easily  spares  a  piece  of  its  inclosing  cloth  to  be  twisted  into  a 
blindfolding  bandage  for  intelligence,  judgment,  heart,  con- 
science, while  the  eye  of  supposed  self-interest  is  wide  open 
and  watchful.  Labor  is  sensitive,  lest  all  its  asserted  principles 
should  not  be  fully  declared,  and  lest  all  its  claimed  rights 
should  not  be  clearly  recognized.  Capital  is  sensitive,  lest  its 
"  vested  interests"  should  not  be  amply  conserved.  Care  has 
been  taken,  as  far  as  the  limitations  of  time  and  strength  and 
natural  capacity  would  admit,  to  get  at  truth  of  facts,  to  com- 
prehend truth  of  principle,  and  to  secure  truth  of  statement. 
Care  has  been  taken,  not  to  gratify  any  class  or  to  pander  to 
any  interest,  but  only  to  satisfy  an  intelligence  seeking  truth, 
and  a  conscience  striving  to  meet  its  supreme  accountability 
to  God,  and  then,  by  manifestation  of  the  truth,  to  commend 
ourselves  to  every  man's  conscience  in  the  sight  of  God. 

Look  back,  then,  for  a  moment,  over  this  rock-strewn, 
thorn-beset  path  we  have  traversed  together.  We  have  seen 
Socialism  of  various  types  springing  from  an  abstract  philoso- 
phy, and  growing  into  a  concrete  danger.  We  have  tracked 
the  lines  of  its  history  ;  listened  to  the  terrible  indictment 
with  which  it  assails  modern  civilization  ;  heard  the  revolu- 
tionary demands  which  it  seeks  to  enforce  upon  society  as  the 

10 


218  STUDIES  IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

only  just  and  possible  remedy  for  existing  ills.  Full  credit 
has  been  given  to  the  honest  intent,  the  humaneness,  the 
moral  seriousness  of  the  average  Socialist.  It  was  from  the 
historic  and  economic  points  of  view,  rather  than  from  a  mere- 
ly moral  one,  that  we  ventured  to  criticise  him.  I  wholly  dis- 
sent from  the  common  estimate  of  the  man's  motives.  I  can 
not  for  a  moment  agree  with  the  words  of  an  able  reviewer, 
who,  classing  all  revolutionary  Socialisms  under  the  name  of 
Communism,  says:  "The  average  Communist  has  not  one 
picayune's  worth  of  interest  in  the  State  as  such.  Communism 
is  a  wholesome  name,  which  he  prostitutes  to  cloak  a  dirty  am- 
bition. All  the  talk  about  the  corporate  rights  of  society  is  so 
much  ruse  to  divert  attention  from  his  tricky  and  rascally  at- 
tempt to  make  the  general  weal  pay  taxes  to  his  own  individ- 
ual advantage.  From  beginning  to  end  it  is  with  him  a  mat- 
ter of  public  pap."  *  I  do  not  believe  that.  That  may  be  true 
of  some  Socialists.  That  is  true  as  regards  the  practical  results 
of  Socialism,  t  But  that  is  not  true  as  to  the  moral  intent  of 
the  Socialist. 

I  have  tried  to  make  careful  discrimination  between  Social- 
ism and  the  larger  and  more  wholesome  movement  on  behalf 
of  improved  conditions  of  labor.  These  movements  have  some 
things  in  common,  but  they  are  totally  distinct.  Socialist 
agitation  has  done  harm  to  the  labor  movement.  It  has  done 
harm  by  causing  fright.  It  has  done  harm  by  its  very  advo- 
cacy of  labor  principles,  causing  it  to  be  classed  by  many 
minds  as  identical  with  these  principles.  But  you  must  not 
hurt  a  good  cause  by  branding  it  with  a  name  which  its  trusted 
leaders  and  the  vast  hosts  of  its  trusty  followers  repudiate. 
Ignorant  workmen  are  indeed  mellow  soil  for  nurturing  So- 
cialist seed.  But  the  great  majority  of  intelligent  workmen 
are  not  Socialists.  And  the  leading  labor  organizations,  while 
Socialists  are  in  their  ranks,  reject  and  condemn  Socialist 
principles,  and  contest  their  spread. 

*  C.  H.  Parkhurst,  in  "New  Princeton  Review,"  January,  1886,  p.  38. 

t  This  applies,  of  course,  only  to  Anarchist  or  State  Socialism,  as  treated 
in  chapters  ii,  iv,  v,  and  vi.  It  does  not  apply  to  the  large  number  of  people 
who  believe  that  society  is  more  than  the  individual ;  to  men  like  the  Apostle 
Paul,  Charles  Kingsley,  Thomas  Hughes. 


REVIEW  AND   OUTLOOK.  219 

We  have  seen  the  errors  of  the  Socialist's  indictment ;  the 
economic  fallacies  on  which  it  builds  its  philosophy  ;  and  the 
exaggeration  of  social  conditions  with  which  it  fires  its  own 
enthusiasm  and  makes  its  social  appeal.  We  have  seen  how 
inadequate  are  its  fundamental  demands  to  remedy  the  real 
evils  that  exist  in  society.  Socialism  clamors  for  progress,  but 
it  cuts  the  very  social  sinews  by  whose  movement  progress  is 
possible. 

We  have  seen,  too,  some  truths  in  Socialism.  It  has  a 
message  for  us.  Balaam  though  on  the  whole  we  may  regard 
it,  it  has  a  voice  of  prophecy  that,  under  all  its  errors,  may  be 
the  voice  of  God.  Society  is  more  than  the  individual.  Social 
rights  are  higher  than  personal  rights.  "  Private  claims  are 
founded  in  public  sufferance."  When  individual  rights, 
whose  maintenance  society  has  asserted,  as  by  the  verdict  of 
all  history  essential  to  its  own  best  interests,  are  so  asserted  as 
to  become  social  wrong  and  harm,  then  by  every  principle  of 
the  Gospel  of  Christ,  and  by  every  law  of  the  Kingdom  of 
God,  social  rights  are  dominant  over  private  ones,  and  private 
rights  must  give  way. 

We  have  studied  the  rise  and  growth  of  the  organ  ization  of 
labor  ;  the  spread  of  the  principle  of  co-operation  in  distribu- 
tive, productive  and  profit-sharing  forms  ;  the  need,  the  func- 
tions and  the  duties  of  industrial  captains  ;  the  responsibili- 
ties of  wealth  for  largest  social  service  ;  and  the  place  of  high- 
est morality  in  all  industrial  action  and  its  productive  results. 
While  we  have  been  discussing  these  matters  the  history  of 
the  social  problem  has  been  in  process  of  rapid  formation. 
New  facts  have  constantly  appeared  ;  new  phases  of  move- 
ment have  been  daily  presented  ;  changes  in  lines  of  battle 
have  been  taking  place.  One  needs  the  eyes  of  Argus  to  keep 
all  parts  of  the  field  clearly  in  view.  Here  a  picket  skirmish, 
there  a  cavalry  charge,  yonder  an  artillery  duel.  While 
more  and  more,  through  smoke  and  noise  and  mutual  recrimi- 
nation, flags  of  truce  are  flying,  the  harbingers  of  armistice 
and  arbitration,  and,  let  us  hope,  of  peace. 

Looking  at  this  field,  so  full  of  stir  and  complication,  look- 
ing at  it  in  such  light  of  ascertained  principles  as  these  discus- 
sions may  be  able  to  cast  upon  it,  what  are  the  indications 
which  may  well  make  us  downcast  and  disquieted,  if  these  be 


220  STUDIES  IX  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

all  that  is  visible  ?    What  also,  if  any,  are  the  -signs  of  God's 
presence  which  may  reinspire  courage  and  quicken  hope  ? 

As  to  dangers.  On  the  one  hand  it  is  to  be  feared  that  the 
feudal  spirit  is  not  quite  dead.  There  are  men,  too  many  of 
them,  in  whom  individualism  has  gone  to  seed,  and  in  whom 
the  new  crop  of  conduct  springing  from  that  seed  is  anything 
but  wholesome.  They  do  not  seem  aware  that  within  fifty 
years  there  has  been  a  revolution  in  industry  ;  that  the  rela- 
tions which  existed,  and  the  methods  in  vogue,  and  the  tradi- 
tions of  a  thousand  years,  as  to  personal  prerogative  and  pri- 
vate interest,  still  alive  when  they  or  their  fathers  began  busi- 
ness, are  not  now  alive,  but  dead  and  of  the  past.  Surliness, 
a  standing  upon  abstract  right  and  dignity  on  the  part  of  some 
employers  are  dangers.  According  to  the  testimony  of  many 
of  our  best  economists,  numerous  strikes  have  been  due  to  a 
want  of  tact  on  the  part  of  the  master,  and  sometimes  to  his 
total  lack  of  gentlemanly  and  humane  instincts.*  Men  are 
not  willing  in  these  days  to  be  treated  as  if  they  were  ma- 
chines or  brutes.  A  master  may  say  :  I  refuse  to  be  interfered 
with  ;  I  will  manage  my  business  for  myself  ;  I  will  command 
in  my  own  affairs.  Well,  he  ought  to  command  ;  but  as  a 
man  over  men,  not  as  a  man  over  machines  ;  as  a  captain  in 
rank  over  equals  in  right,  not  as  a  tyrant  over  slaves.  Work- 
men affirm  that  many  a  strike  is  inaugurated  and  continued, 
resulting  in  waste  of  capital  and  loss  of  wages,  not  chiefly  out 
of  regard  to  increase  of  wages,  but  because  of  the  brutal  way 
in  which  their  demands  were  treated.  A  master  may  shut 
down  his  works,  lock  up  his  factory,  turn  his  workmen  adrift 
to  find  other  employment  or  to  starve.  No  human  law  can 
hinder  him.  A  jackass  may  be  harnessed  with  a  blooded  colt 
—sixteenth-century  feudalism  of  mastership  with  nineteenth- 
century  democracy  of  labor.  No  external  law  can  hinder  the 
jackass  from  refusing  to  pull,  because  he  dislikes  the  upstart 
antics  of  the  colt ;  nor  from  kicking  to  pieces  the  cart  and 

*  Strikes  are  often  instigated  by  employers  for  selfish  purposes ;  to  dis- 
credit organized  labor,  to  increase  demand  for  goods  on  hand,  to  weaken  a 
rival,  to  secure  the  destruction  by  rioters  of  worn-out  buildings  and  machinery, 
in  order  that  these  may  be  replaced  at  the  expense  of  the  public.  See  p.  120, 
note. 


SOME  SOCIAL  DANGERS.  221 

wasting  his  yoke-fellow's  fodder,  and  his  own.  But  it  is  ques- 
tionable whether  such  behavior  is  good  morals  or  even  good 
policy — behavior  such  as  conduces  to  the  safe  and  sure  prog- 
ress of  the  social  cart.  The  patriarchal  age,  the  slave-owning 
age,  the  feudal  age  of  industry  are  gone.  No  sentimental 
dreamings,  no  fond  clinging  to  traditional  methods  and  rela- 
tions can  give  them  a  resurrection.  Captains  of  industry, 
who  stand  on  their  prerogatives  ;  who  refuse  to  reason,  to  con- 
sult, to  conciliate ;  who  regard  their  business  as  entirely  an 
affair  of  private  ownership,  and  its  management  as  solely  a 
matter  for  their  private  determination,  rather  than  as,  in  some 
real  way,  a  social  partnership  in  which  the  other  partners  have 
a  claim  to  at  least  some  voice — these  are  obstructives,  dangers, 
moral  dynamiters.  They  foster  discontent,  prolong  strife, 
promote  hatred,  hinder  amicable  adjustment,  misrepresent  the 
more  humane  and  just  spirit  of  the  employing  classes,  and 
prevent  that  spirit  from  fully  asserting  itself. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  is  danger  that  workmen  will  be 
rash  and  headstrong ;  going  faster  in  right  directions  than 
the  conditions  of  social  safety  will  admit  ;  going  blindly  in 
wrong  directions,  in  defiance  of  all  economic  principles  and 
of  all  historic  precedents.  Great  numbers  of  strikes  occur  for 
reasons  most  trivial ;  many  in  assertion  of  supposed  rights 
that  have  no  human  or  economic  foundation.  There  is  dan- 
ger that  workmen,  flushed  with  temporary  victory,  will  mis- 
take that  for  the  presage  of  final  triumph,  and  will  risk  the 
fruits  of  victory  by  unwise  use  of  their  advantage.  There  is 
danger  that  just  assertion  of  the  rights  of  partnership  in  in- 
dustry will  degenerate  into  a  meddlesomeness  that  offends 
and  irritates,  and  that  drives  to  lockouts  and  to  a  withdrawal 
of  capital  and  managing  capacity  from  active  enterprise.  In 
the  eager  pursuit  of  justice  to  be  done  to  them  there  Is  danger 
that  workmen  will  forget  the  duty  of  justice  to  be  done  by 
thorn.  No  wrong  rights  a  wrong.  No  injustice  promotes 
justice.  The  workman's  rights  and  his  righteousness  rise  or 
fall,  triumph  or  fail  together. 

There  is  danger  that  the  workman  may  mistake  the  tokens 
of  his  employer's  kindly  feeling  for  signs  of  weakness  and 
cowardice  ;  that  he  may  fail  to  respond  to  these,  as  he  ought 
to  respond  to  them,  by  reciprocal  good-will ;  that  he  may  mis- 


222  STUDIES  IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

interpret  the  meaning  of  all  the  sanitary,  educational,  human- 
izing endeavors  of  employers  as  being  a  merely  charitable 
concession  to  the  unfortunate,  and  a  money-saving  substitute 
for  a  f airer  division  of  products.  No  wonder  some  employers 
are  discouraged,  and  many  hesitate  as  to  any  movement  for 
the  benefit  of  their  workmen,  when  their  righteous  deeds  are 
often  flung  back  in  their  faces  with  the  sneer,  "We  want 
justice,  not  charity  !  "  Ay,  justice,  not  mere  charity  is  want- 
ed. *  But  I  can  never  believe  that  the  Salts,  the  Krupps,  the 
Godins  of  the  Old  World,  or  the  Childses,  the  Cheneys,  the 
Hazards  of  the  New,  are  mere  charity-mongers  who,  forget- 
ting justice,  are  doling  back  to  their  workmen  in  libraries, 
schools,  hospitals,  pensions,  houses,  a  few  pence  of  the  pounds 
unjustly  stolen  from  wages.  I  do  not  believe  that  charity  and 
justice,  either  in  God's  character  or  man's  action,  lie  any  fur- 
ther apart  than  the  arteries  and  veins  that  receive  and  give 
back  the  blood  of  the  one  central,  vitalizing  heart  of  love. 
Nay,  it  is  these  so-called  charity-mongers  who  are  your  most 
just  and  successful  commanders.  It  is  they  out  of  whose 
ranks  your  profit-sharing  experimenters  have  come.  It  is 
they  and  such  like  men  who  will  lead  in  the  reconstructed  in- 
dustrial order  of  the  future.  There  is  danger  if  the  workman 
acts  upon  any  misunderstanding  of  these  principles.  There  is 
danger  lest  he  fail  to  see  that  every  rash  and  needless  strike  is 
a  destruction  of  his  own  capital,  and  of  so  much  possibility 
of  capital  as  by  co-operation  might  transfer  him  the  sooner 
from  the  rank  of  a  mere  wage-worker  to  that  of  a  capitalist- 
worker. 

There  is  danger  from  the  ignorance  of  too  many  workmen. 
Do  not  misunderstand.  Ignorance  is  used  as  no  term  of  con- 
tempt. God  forbid  that  any  term  of  contempt  should  be  pos- 
sible! It  is  not  forgotten  that  many  of  these  workmen  are 
just  emerging  from  beneath  the  cruel  wrongs  of  ages.  It  is 
not  forgotten  that  ignorance  is  no  more  blinding  to  the  work- 

*  "  We  think  of  the  poor  in  the  way  of  charity,  for  to  deal  out  charity 
gratifies  not  only  benevolence  but  pride  ;  we  think  much  of  them  in  the  way 
of  charity,  but  we  think  little  of  them  in  the  way  of  justice.  Justice,  how- 
ever, ranks  before  charity,  and  they  would  need  less  charity  if  they  had  more 
justice." — An  "  Essay  on  the  Free  Examination  of  the  Laws  of  England,"  by 
Leman  Thomas  Rede. 


SOME  SOCIAL  DANGERS.  223 

man  than  is  educated  selfishness  and  traditional  pride  of  mas- 
tership blinding  to  the  employer.  But  workmen  themselves 
will  concede  the  large  ignorance  existing  among  the  workers. 
And  ignorance  is  danger.  Ignorance,  especially  on  the  line 
of  one's  supposed  self-interest,  becomes  the  easy  dupe  of  dema- 
gogues. Ignorance  is  likely  to  be  suspicious,  headstrong,  rash, 
impatient,  irrational,  and  to  count  immediate  gain  more  desir- 
able than  promised  boon.  I  have  confidence  in  the  wisdom, 
conservatism,  far-sightedness,  and  broad  social  aims  of  many 
of  the  leaders  of  labor.  Yet  none  know  better  than  they  the 
inflammable  character  of  much  of  the  material  with  which 
they  have  to  deal. 

There  is  danger  that  some  workmen  may  forget  that,  strong 
as  is  organized  labor  as  against  organized  capital,  there  is  a 
larger  public  opinion  that  is  stronger  than  either.  Numerical 
majorities,  even,  can  not  settle  moral  and  social  issues.  The 
intelligence  in  the  workmen's  ranks,  and  the  intelligence  out- 
side of  the  ranks  of  either  technical  capital  or  technical  labor, 
must  be  in  harmonious  accord  if  the  just  rights  of  labor  are  to 
have  guaranteed  recognition.  It  is  a  most  short-sighted  and 
dangerous  policy  for  workmen  to  oppose,  or  alienate,  or  fail  to 
measure  the  necessary  value  of  this  larger  public  opinion.* 

Then,  too,  the  political  aspects  of  our  country  are  not  a  little 

*  The  history  of  the  strikes  on  the  Gould  railway  system,  of  the  May 
strikes  for  eight  hours,  and  the  various  industrial  disorders,  Chicago  anarch- 
ism and  all  the  rest,  have  too  largely  turned  many  of  the  above  statements 
into  prophecies  fulfilled.  The  cause  of  lahor  has  been  badly  hurt.  Public 
opinion,  favorable  to  many  of  the  just  claims  of  labor,  has  been  alienated. 
Too  many  ill-judging  people  identify  the  blunders  made  by  the  advocates  of 
a  cause  with  the  cause  itself.  The  demand  for  discrimination  and  a  careful 
study  of  principles  is  greater  now  than  it  ever  was.  1  have  not  yet  ceased  to 
hope  that  the  second,  sober  thought  of  both  employers  and  workmen  will 
promote  measures  which  will  conserve  the  welfare  of  both.  The  triumph  of 
righteousness  ought  to  be  the  aim  of  all  good  men.  The  disintegration  of  the 
Knights  of  Labor,  either  by  internal  dissensions  or  by  external  hostility, 
would  be  a  social  misfortune.  They  have  many  things  to  learn.  But,  abuse 
heaped  upon  them  will  not  instruct  them.  I,  for  one,  am  not  ready  to  with- 
dniw  from  them  an  indorsement  of  the  general  correctness  of  their  principles, 
or  faith  in  the  conservative  spirit  of  their  now  recognized  leaders.  But  they 
ought  to  heed  the  lessons  of  the  last  few  months.  See  article,  "  A  Word  of 
Sympathy  and  Caution,"  "  Century  Magazine,"  June,  1886,  p.  819. 


224  STUDIES   IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

discouraging.  Social,  industrial,  political  interests  and  affairs 
are  so  essentially  intermingled  that  unsoundness  anywhere 
means  unsoundness  everywhere.  Political  reform  must  go 
hand  in  hand  with  industrial  reform.  The  enlarged  functions 
to  be  committed  to  the  State,  with  due  regard  to  the  conserv- 
ing of  private  right  and  the  best  promotion  of  personal  action, 
for  which  modern  economists  are  pleading,  can  not,  with  popu- 
lar consent,  be  assumed  by  the  State  until  the  State  does  more 
wisely  and  economically,  and  for  higher  social  welfare,  what 
it  already  has  to  do.  Political  reform,  from  caucus  to  Con- 
gress and  Cabinet,  is  a  very  urgent  need.  And  a  large  Her- 
cules, with  a  large  broom,  would  find  his  task  of  cleansing 
quite  a  discouraging  one,  even  should  he  begin  it  not  many 
miles  from  our  own  doors. 

But  let  us  turn  to  the  more  hopeful  outlook.  Is  there  such 
an  outlook  ?  Are  there  tokens,  on  the  wild  field  of  strife,  of 
approaching  peace  ?  Are  there  voices  that  bid  us  believe  that 
God  is  on  the  field,  even  when  he  is  most  invisible  ?  There 
are  such  signs,  tokens,  voices.  The  fact  of  the  organization  of 
labor  is  such  a  sign.  For  labor  disorganized  was  labor  hope- 
less. Labor  disorganized  was  labor  inviting  oppression  and 
tempting  injustice,  and  so  bringing  degradation  alike  to  op- 
pressor and  oppressed.  Machinery,  division  of  labor,  enter- 
prises on  extending  scale,  exchanges  and  boards  of  trade,  the 
era  of  Democracy,  all  demanded  labor  exchanges,  boards  of 
labor,  organization  of  labor,  the  dealing  of  labor  with  capital 
on  equal  terms  ;  or  else  the  Helotizing,  the  re-enslaving  of 
labor  was  inevitable.  Organization  means  for  labor  what 
imion  meant  for  the  American  colonies — warfare  for  a  while, 
but  in  the  end  prosperity  and  peace.  Organization  of  labor 
means  the  education  of  laborers.  It  means  increasing  moral- 
ity, technical  training,  better  work.  It  means  strikes,  indeed, 
but  strikes  decreasing  in  number  and  refraining  from  vio- 
lence. It  means  a  firm  battle-front  for  its  own  conception  of 
justice.  But  it  does  not  mean  Socialism  or  revolution. 

Capital  is  organizing ;  that,  too,  is  a  sign  for  good.  For 
disorganized  capital  means  isolation,  increasing  selfishness, 
cut-throat  competition,  ruinous  to  wholesome  industry.  These 
manufacturers'  associations  mean  the  sense  of  brotherhood 
and  common  class  interest  in  which  capital  has  been  hitherto 


ORGANIZATION  OF  CAPITAL.  225 

lacking.  Out  of  this  class  brotherhood  may  grow  a  larger 
human  brotherhood.  Organized  capital  means  a  firm  battle- 
front  for  the  just  rights  of  capital,  as  against  organized  labor. 
It  ought  to  mean  that.  It  will  thus  learn  an  increased  respect 
for  the  opposing  battle-line.  It  will  learn  increased  honorable 
chivalry  of  warfare  and  treatment.  But  organized  capital 
means  more  than  this.  It  means  a  more  scientific  employ- 
ment of  the  forces  of  production  ;  and  overstocked  or  under- 
stocked markets  becoming  more  and  more  impossible.  It 
means  that  nineteenth-century  captains  of  industry  will,  in 
their  club-rooms,  have  opportunity  for  pushing  the  gospel  of 
righteousness  and  fairness,  and  manliness  and  common  sense, 
and  highest  economic  self-interest,  into  the  dull  heads  and  the 
obtuse  consciences  of  sixteenth-century  feudalist  captains  of 
industry.  It  means  enlarged  opportunity  for  promoting  arbi- 
tration and  conciliation,  and  the  recognition  of  workmen  and 
workmen's  associations  as  equals.  It  means  opportunity  for 
the  study  and  practical  promotion  of  wise  schemes  of  profit- 
sharing  and  co-operation  and  sliding  scales  of  wages.  It 
means  a  cry  to  the  workman  to  move  cautiously,  and  not  to 
endanger  his  own  cause,  and  all  social  weal,  by  unjustifiable 
demands,  by  petty  meddlesomeness,  by  rashness  and  reckless- 
ness. It  means  a  call  to  employer  and  employed  to  look  into 
each  other's  faces,  feel  each  other's  hearts,  know  each  other's 
thoughts,  listen  patiently  to  each  other's  tale  of  wrong,  respect 
each  other's  rights,  put  each  himself  in  the  other's  place,  and 
to  learn  that  shoulder-straps  or  plain  blue  blouses  are  but  ac- 
cidental endowments  that  may  easily  change  places,  temporal 
disguisings  of  the  common  and  immortal  humanity  that  each 
in  the  other  may  discern. 

This  double  battle-line  of  capital  and  labor,  in  intelligent 
and  manly  and  honorable  conflict,  implies  the  victory  of  both, 
and  so  the  attainment  of  the  greatest  social  good.  The  su- 
preme triumph  of  capital  over  labor  would  be  the  restoration 
of  the  ancient  regime,  prolonged  misery  to  labor,  and  the  de- 
humanizing of  capital.  The  supreme  triumph  of  labor  over 
capital  would  be  French  Revolution  horrors  for  capital,  the  de- 
monization  of  labor,  and  Napoleonic  absolutism  as  the  final 
outcome.  Capital  and  labor,  well  matched  in  strength  and 
organization,  alike  controlled  by  intelligence  and  Christian 


226  STUDIES  IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

morality,  will  relieve,  by  arbitration,  their  warfare  of  its  ter- 
rors and  its  disasters  ;  will  see  the  mutual  path  where  justice 
lies  ;  will  promote  industrial  partnerships  and  co-operations  ; 
and,  under  the  leadings  of  God's  providence  and  truth,  will 
construct,  within  the  limits  of  the  present  social  order,  the 
Christian,  democratic  commonwealth,  wherein  each  factor  in 
production,  in  personal  competence,  and  in  sharing  the  gen- 
eral well-being,  may  receive  the  just  reward  of  his  toil. 

To  this  happy  consummation  many  signs  are  pointing. 
Not  the  least  significant  sign  is  the  fact  that  so  many  are 
thinking,  reading,  talking  about  these  problems.  The  thought 
is  not  all  wise,  the  talk  not  all  sensible.  But  any  sort  of  think- 
ing is  better  than  mental  stagnation,  any  sort  of  talk  more 
promising  than  stolid  indifference.  Christian  teachers  and 
Christian  churches  are  taking  up  these  questions.*  The  Chi- 
cago pastors  invited  a  Socialist  of  the  extremest  type  to  pre- 
sent to  them  his  views.  The  evangelical  clergy  of  Boston 
were  addressed  on  the  labor  question  by  a  pastor  and  a  Knight 
of  Labor.  The  Episcopal  Church  Congress,  the  Baptist  Autum- 
nal Conference,  the  Congress  of  Churches,  and  the  Andover 
Alumni  Association  have  discussed  these  matters  in  their 
sessions.  Many  of  the  Episcopal  clergy  are  far  in  advance  of 
their  brethren  of  other  Christian  churches,  both  in  their  well- 
informed  intelligence  and  the  boldness  of  their  utterances. 
Pastors  of  wealthy  churches,  as  Dr.  Howard  Crosby  and  Dr. 
C.  H.  Parkhurst,  of  New  York,  are  stirring  the  consciences  of 
their  parishioners  with  gospel  ethics  of  trade  and  gospel  prin- 
ciples for  a  true  social  order,  that  but  a  while  ago  would  have 
been  deemed  most  fanatical  and  revolutionary.  The  world 
moves,  and  God  is  in  its  movement. 

Another  token  of  hope  is  the  increased  interest  in  the  care- 
ful study  of  economical  principles  and  problems.  Not  only  is 
political  economy  studied  more  widely,  but  also  more  wisely. 
It  is  basing  its  principles  on  ascertained  facts,  and  not  tortur- 
ing its  facts  to  fit  its  principles.  It  is  coming  to  clearer  recog- 

*  "  Century  Magazine,"  May,  1886,  p.  163. 

"  The  Labor  Problem :  Plain  Questions  and  Practical  Answers."  Edited 
by  W.  E.  Barnes,  New  York,  1886. 

"  Public  Opinion,"  May  8, 1886,  p.  67. 

"  The  Clergy  and  the  Labor  Question."     "  NewPrin.  Rev.,"  vol.  ii,  p.  48. 


AMERICAN   ECONOMIC   ASSOCIATION.  227 

nition  of  the  truth  that  human  action  in  work,  as  well  as  in 
worship,  is  moral  action,  and  that  ethics  and  economics  have 
an  essential  relation.  One  of  the  signs  of  the  times  is  the 
formation,  at  Saratoga,  in  September,  1885,  of  the  American 
Economic  Association.*  The  object  of  this  association  is  to  in- 
vestigate economic  problems,  and  to  diffuse  economic  knowl- 
edge. Students,  professors,  financiers,  business  men,  are  in 
its  membership.  It  is  capable  of  large  usefulness.  There  are 
many  economic  problems  yet  unsolved.  They  will  not  be 
solved  by  mass-meetings.  No  employer  or  workman  may 
dogmatize  about  them  except  at  grave  social  peril.  The  final 
word  has  not  been  spoken  concerning  them,  either  by  manu- 
facturers' associations  or  in  the  resolves  of  labor-unions.  A 
lockout  or  a  strike,  based  upon  their  absolute  certainty,  is  the 
height  of  madness.  Only  patient  and  prolonged  investiga- 
tion, and  the  contributed  light  of  many  minds,  flashing  forth 
increasing  light  by  the  friction  and  the  concentration  of  the 
various  rays,  can  solve  these  problems.  Every  business  man 
ought  to  have  a  copy  of  the  constitution  of  this  association, 
and  seek,  at  least  by  his  membership,  to  further  its  aims.  The 
Knights  of  Labor  would  do  well  to  secure  for  their  District 
Master  Workmen  admission  to  its  ranks.  Manufacturers' 
clubs  would  confer  benefit  upon  themselves,  and  the  indus- 
trial interests  they  represent,  by  offering,  through  this  asso- 
ciation, prizes  for  the  best  papers  on  some  yet  unsolved  eco- 
nomic problem. 

Another  token  of  hope  is  the  increase  of  State  bureaus  of 
statistics  of  trade  and  labor.  Light  is  helpful  to  everybody  ; 
only  darkness  harms.  The  day  has  gone  by  for  star-chamber 
proceedings  in  industry.  To  be  sure,  men  shrink  from  inquisi- 
tions as  to  their  business  matters.  But  there  are  some  things 
which,  for  the  sake  of  large  public  interests  that  override  pri- 
vate rights,  the  public  have  a  right  to  know  concerning  all 
the  business,  whose  only  warrant  for  existence  is  that  it  is  for 
public  service,  even  while  it  is  for  private  gain.  If  informa- 
tion as  to  the  relations  of  capital,  and  expenses,  and  profits 
will  damage  a  man  with  his  competitors,  so  much  the  worse 

*  Prof.  Richard  T.  Ely,  Secretary.  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore, 
Md. 


228  STUDIES  IN   MODERN  SOCIALISM, 

for  competition.  When  the  information  is  furnished  by  all 
competitors,  one  has  no  advantage  over  another.  If  the  giv- 
ing of  accurate  information  will  affect  a  man's  credit,  he  is 
sailing  under  false  colors,  and  the  sooner  the  ship  is  scuttled 
and  sunk  the  better  for  society.*  It  would  be  to  the  advan- 
tage of  employers  to  make  some  concessions  willingly,  rather 
than  to  be  compelled  to  yield  them.  King  John  would  have 
better  won  the  respect  and  confidence  of  his  barons,  and 
shown  himself  a  nobler  king,  had  he  conceded  Magna  Charta 
from  his  own  instincts  of  justice,  instead  of  waiting  to  have 
it  wrung  from  him  by  force.  Bureaus  of  labor  are  full  of 
promise  for  all  industry.  They  will  promote  intelligent  ac- 
tion. They  will  tend  to  equalize  -production  and  consump- 
tion. They  will  reveal  the  conditions  of  trade.  They  will  pre- 
vent excessive  demand  in  one  section  of  the  labor  market  and 
excessive  supply  in  another.  The  facts  they  furnish,  the  prin- 
ciples they  promulgate,  will  sweep  the  cobwebs  of  economic 
fallacy  and  the  dust  of  discontent  from  the  minds  of  work- 
men, and  will  remove  the  cumbersome  fossils  of  feudalism 
from  the  minds  of  employers. 

Another  token  of  hope  is  the  increasing  number  of  em- 
ployers wlio  seek  to  be  just  to  their  workmen  and  to  promote 
their  best  welfare  ;  and  in  the  increasing  number  of  co-opera- 
tive and  profit-sharing  enterprises.  We  are  a  slower  people 
than  we  are  willing  to  think.  Europe  is  far  ahead  of  us  in 
these  matters.  But  we  are  learning.  Already  we  have  many 
a  garden -spot  of  industry.  The  day  will  come  when  our 
American  Tangyes,  and  Perrys,  and  Mundellas,t  our  Bouci- 
caults  and  Leclaires  will  not  be  the  exceptions,  but  the  rule. 
Co-operative  production  by  workmen,  and  profit-sharing  be- 
tween employers  and  employed,  will  be  the  prevailing  forms 
of  future  industrial  organization.}  In  the  name  of  justice,  and 
humanity,  and  God,  this  is  to  be.  Labor  shall  have,  as  now, 

*  The  history  of  the  Life-insurance  Companies  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
the  opposition  of  the  companies  to  the  law  establishing  the  office  of  Insurance 
Commissioner,  and  the  present  satisfaction  of  all  the  strong  companies  with 
the  working  of  the  Commission  plan,  is  a  case  in  point. 

t  "  Social  Studies  in  England,"  Sarah  K.  Bolton,  pp.  155-166. 

t  "Century  Magazine,"  May,  1886,  p.  1G3. 

"  The  Labor  Problem :  Plain  Questions  and  Practical  Answers." 


SOCIAL   CLEAVAGE   OF   THE   FUTURE.  220 

its  hire  ;  and  capital,  as  now,  its  interest  ;  and  management, 
as  now,  its  recompense.  But  the  acquired  skill,  the  painstak- 
ing, the  thrift  in  time,  the  watchfulness  against  waste,  for 
which  the  market-price  hire  of  labor  does  not  pay,  shall  also 
have  its  reward.  Competition  will  not  be  abolished.  Just 
competition  is  an  economic  necessity.*  It  is  a  sound  ethical 
principle.  But  to  make  and  keep  it  just  it  must  be  balanced 
by  co-operation.  Even  as  a  true  self-interest,  which  is  not 
selfishness,  and  a  true  self-sacrifice,  which  is  not  asceticism, 
nor  a  maudlin  sentimentality,  nor  a  hurtful  philanthropy, 
must,  by  Christ's  own  command,  conjoin  in  best  moral  life ; 
even  as  a  true  individualism  and  a  true  socialism  must  ever 
interact  in  the  worthiest  social  order  ;  so  just  competition  and 
wise  co-operation  must  have  reciprocal  play  in  the  most  pro- 
ductive and  serviceable  industrial  organization.  The  social 
cleavage  of  the  future,  whatever  cleavage  may  be  found  in  a 
close-knit  brotherhood,  will  be,  as  Professor  Jevons  has  de- 
clared, "not  horizontal  but  perpendicular";  not  between 
heads  and  hands,  but  between  the  conjoined  heads  and  hands 
of  one  industrial  enterprise,  and  the  alike  conjoined  heads  and 
hands  of  another  industrial  enterprise.  Instead  of  as  now, 
on  one  side,  a  host  of  mutinous  soldiers  contending  with  their 
leaders  for  the  wages  of  work,  and  with  each  other  for  tho 
privilege  of  work  ;  and  on  the  other  side  a  squad  of  captains 
contending  fiercely  with  each  other,  and  only  uniting  in  con- 
test against  their  mutinous  soldiers,  there  shall  be  solid  regi- 
ments, under  respected  and  honored  leaders,  each  striving 
with  the  rest  in  friendliest  rivalry  for  the  honor  of  bearing  in 
advance  the  standards  of  noblest  social  service  and  of  most 
widely  diffused  industrial  prosperity.  This  is  God's  promise. 
Toward  this  end  His  providence,  all  true  economic  tenden- 
cies, all  social  ferments  are  surely  working.  There  will  be 
struggles,  battles,  wounds,  waste.  But  God  is  just.  Truth 
and  right  shall  triumph,  because  God  is  true  and  righteous, 
and  because  His  kingdom,  so  long  prayed  and  toiled  for,  shall 

*  "  Competition  we  now  recognize  to  be  a  tiling  neither  good  nor  bad  ;  we 
look  upon  it  as  resembling  a  great  physical  force,  which  can  not  be  destroyed, 
but  may  be  controlled  and  modified."  —  Toynbee's  "  Industrial  Revolution," 
pp.  19,  20. 


230  STUDIES  IN   MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

come  at  last,  and  His  will  in  justice  and  love  shall  be  done  on 
earth.  Looking  out  over  the  vast  field,  all  murky  with  thick 
clouds  of  battle-smoke,  and  filled  with  many  an  occasion  for 
downcasting  and  disquietude,  we  hope,  because  we  hope  and 
believe  in  God. 

We  hope,  we  bid  each  other  be  of  good  courage.  Yet  how 
much  toil,  anxiety,  and  disturbance  have  yet  to  be  faced  ! 
What  intricate  questions  remain  to  be  solved,  what  taxing 
tasks  to  be  performed  !  The  school  must  scatter  the  mists  of 
ignorance  and  loosen  the  shackles  of  inaptness  and  lack  of 
skill.  The  State  must  purify  its  administration  and  assume 
larger  tasks.  It  must  prevent  monopolies,  and  set  some  limits 
to  the  indefinite  increase  of  personal  wealth.  It  must  hinder 
land-grabbing  and  non-resident  landlordism,  and  the  absorp- 
tion of  the  public  domain  by  large  corporations.  It  must  re- 
construct on  a  sound  basis  of  ethical  economics  the  entire 
system  of  land-tenure.  It  must  defend  in  the  workshop,  as 
well  as  on  the  street,  the  lives,  health,  safety,  liberties  of  all 
its  citizens.  It  must  secure  economical  administration,  and 
the  equal  and  rational  adjustment  of  the  public  burdens.  It 
must  discover  some  method  of  preventing  the  mean  evasions, 
the  dishonest  subterfuges,  the  barefaced  falsehoods  and  knav- 
eries by  which  not  a  few  rich  men  escape  an  equitable  share  of 
taxation.  It  must,  in  the  interest  of  absolute  justice,  fence 
about  the  action  "  of  the  avaricious  and  the  strong,  even  at  the 
expense  of  technical  justice."  *  It  must  not  forget  the  lesson 
of  history,  that  "when  the  oppressions  of  the  rich,  and  the 
powerful,  and  the  fortunate  reach  a  certain  point,  the  op- 
pressed multitude  turn,  like  hunted  beasts  at  bay,  and  destroy 
both  their  oppressors  and  the  social  fabric."  t 

The  church  must  preach  the  gospel  more  earnestly,  live  it 
more  faithfully,  and  impress  its  facts  and  precepts  upon  the 
consciences  and  lives  of  men.  Not  education  alone,  not  legis- 
lation alone,  not  wiser  economics  alone,  not  mutual  conces- 
sions and  adjustments  of  contending  factions  alone,  not  even 
all  these  together,  but  the  gospel  of  the  living  God  securing 

*  "  The  Freedom  of  Faith,"  by  Theodore  T.  Munger.    Boston :  Hough- 
ton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  1883,  p.  188. 
t  Ibid. 


THINGS  TO  BE   LEARNED.  231 

personal  faith  in  its  Christ,  and  personal  renewal  by  its  Spirit, 
and  the  control  of  the  personal  conscience  and  conduct  by  the 
supreme  motives,  and  sanctions,  and  principles  of  its  divine 
and  eternal  ethics  ;  this  gospel,  pervading  society  with  the 
powers  of  the  world  to  come,  dominating  education,  crystal- 
lized in  legislation,  inducing  the  wisest  economic  action  be- 
cause securing  the  highest  moral  action  ; — this  is  the  power, 
the  only  power  for  insuring  a  race  of  souls,  a  city  and  king- 
dom of  humanity  redeemed. 

And  under  the  impulses  of  this  gospel  we  must  all  give 
ourselves  to  securing  for  ourselves,  our  community,  the  na- 
tion, the  world — the  practical  realization  of  righteousness. 
Men  must  learn  that  God  governs  the  universe,  and  that 
"penalty  dogs  sin,"  whether  the  sin  be  personal  or  corporate. 
We  must  learn  to  set  our  individual  and  class  interests  aside 
as  we  study  the  problems  that  affect  the  general  weal.  We 
must  learn  that  no  bargain  is  an  honest  bargain,  whether  in 
paying  or  receiving  wages,  or  in  buying  or  selling  goods, 
which  does  not  involve  mutual  and  equal  advantage.  We 
must  learn  that  justice  in  business  does  not  mean  to  get  the 
most  for  the  least  or  something  for  nothing,  or  to  wring  plun- 
der out  of  men's  emergencies  or  gain  out  of  their  ignorance 
and  weakness.  We  must  learn  to  look,  "each  man  not  on 
his  own  things  alone,  but  each  man  also  on  the  things  of 
others." 

We  must  learn  that  "the  life  is  more  than  meat  and  the 
body  than  raiment."  While  it  is  right  for  a  man  to  get  the 
most  he  can  out  of  this  world,  and  to  desire  the  best  outward 
conditions  of  life,  yet  this  is  not  the  chief  end  for  which  we 
are  born  into  this  world.  Poverty  is  not  a  good.  No  man  is 
asked  to  be  content  with  it.  But  poverty  is  better  than  a 
mean  spirit,  or  low  aims,  or  unrighteous  action.  ' '  Honor  and 
shame  from  no  condition  rise."  A  man  may  be  poor,  but  he 
may  think  noblest  thoughts,  speak  truest  speech,  have  clean- 
est lips,  lead  most  serviceable  life,  share  the  companionship  of 
the  wisest  thinkers  and  the  largest  souls  of  all  agas,  entertain 
God  the  Father,  Son  and  Holy  Spirit  as  constant  guests  in  the 
home  of  his  heart,  and  be  in  all  ways  a  worthier,  larger,  rich- 
er soul  than  any  rich  man  who  is  empty  of  goodness  and 
grovels  in  sin.  If  I  had  to  change  places  with  anybody,  I 


232  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

would  rather,  as  a  friend  suggested,  change  places  with  old 
Epictetus,  lame,  and  a  slave,  whipped  and  bruised,  than  to 
change  places  with  Epictetus's  master,  the  freedman  and  the 
sycophant  of  Nero. 

We  must  learn  that  all  labor  that  serves  society  is  worthy 
of  honor  and  due  reward.  We  must  give  the  honor  and  pay 
the  reward.  Degradation  of  labor  !  Nay,  laziness  degrades. 
Willful  idleness  dishonors.  Work  unserviceable,  socially 
hurtful,  faithlessly,  shabbily  done,  brings  shame.  Real  labor, 
with  brain  or  hand,  with  pen  or  pick,  in  counting-room  or 
shop  or  ditch,  is  an  ensign  of  social  rank,  a  coronet  of  personal 
nobility.  The  true  aristocracy  is  the  aristocracy  of  socially 
serviceable  work.  And  we  must  learn  to  be  patient,  to  do  our 
duty  and  to  wait.  "  Haste  makes  waste."  God's  "increasing 
purpose  widens  with  the  process  of  the  suns,"  but  it  never 
hurries,  for  all  our  pitiful  impatience. 

In  this  era  of  industrial  revolution  no  easy  task  devolves 
upon  the  possessors  of  wealth  and  the  captains  of  industry. 
They  are  called,  not  to  clearer  vision  of  their  own  prerogative, 
but  to  clearer  vision  of  the  principle  of  just  action  for  them- 
selves and  all  men.  To  guide  public  opinion  safely  through  the 
whirlpool  of  social  change,  amid  eddies  of  angry  passion,  and 
rocks  of  dying  traditions  and  dead  privileges,  is  a  work  that 
may  well  baffle  their  best  human  wisdom  and  dismay  their 
stoutest  hearts.  But  this  is  the  crisis  which  shall  test  the  sort 
of  moral  stuff  that  they  and  all  of  us  are  made  of.  Out  in  the 
broad  plain  of  our  modern  civilization  the  Nebuchadnezzar  of 
the  hoary  past  has  erected  a  golden  image — no  true,  solid  gold, 
but  plate,  and  tinsel,  and  sham — the  image  of  the  Mammon 
god.  Anon,  the  trumpets  sound  ;  and,  by  the  decree  of  the 
king  of  tradition  and  familiar  habit,  we  are  summoned  to  bow 
down  and  worship  !  Worship  that !  Or  be  true  to  justice,  to 
humanity,  and  to  the  one  and  only  Lord  God,  the  Eternal 
Justice  and  the  Father  of  humanity  !  This  is  the  testing- 
tune,  for  rich  and  poor,  for  captains  and  soldiers ;  the  time 
for  deciding  whether  with  sleek  conformity  we  will  follow  the 
ways  of  the  easy-going  devotees  of  Mammon,  or  whether, 
with  a  courage  born  of  faith  in  God,  we  will  endure  the  flames 
of  self-denying  service,  in  a  furnace  wherein  the  Son  of  God 
himself  walks,  and  whence,  without  even  the  smell  of  fire  on 


CONCLUSION.  233 

our  garments,  we  shall  emerge  into  the  God-honoring  life  of 
the  new  industrial  era. 

Here  our  discussions  end.  It  has  been  their  aim  to  arouse 
thought,  to  discover  the  places  where  justice  dwells,  and  to 
indicate  some  of  the  lines  along  which  may  be  found  safe,  be- 
cause righteous,  solution  of  our  social  problem.  We  have 
tried  to  induce  kindlier  spirit  between  those  who  differ  ;  to 
help  men  to  feel  the  thrill  of  a  common  brotherhood,  and  to 
face  these  questions  of  difficulty  as  men  rather  than  as  classes. 
We  have  hoped  to  promote  in  the  action  of  employers  an  in- 
creasing practical  concern  for  the  welfare  and  the  rights  of 
workmen  ;  and  in  the  action  of  workmen  an  increasing  faith- 
fulness in  work  and  a  respectful  regard  for  the  good  inten- 
tions and  the  rights  of  their  employers.  We  have  dealt  chief- 
ly with  principles — with  facts  only  as  illustrating  and  enforc- 
ing principles.  For  principles  govern  the  world  and  shape 
history.  A  principle  wrought  freedom  for  the  American  colo- 
nies. A  principle  sharpened  the  axe  of  the  guillotine  in  the 
Place  de  la  Concorde.  A  principle  true,  though  grotesque 
and  monstrous  by  perversion,  is  the  power  of  Socialism.  If  I 
have  awakened  in  the  mind  of  any  reader  of  these  pages  the 
conviction  that  justice  must  be  done  by  him  as  employer  or  as 
workman,  then  he  will  seek  the  path  of  justice.  And  justice 
will  be  done,  for  God  will  show  the  path  and  help  to  walk 
in  it. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  SUBJECTS 
DISCUSSED  IN  FOREGOING  CHAPTERS. 


Thanks  are  due  to  William  F.  Poole,  Esq.,  for  his  courteous  permission  to  make 
free  use  of  his  "  Index  to  Periodical  Literature,"  from  which  the  references 
to  English  and  American  periodicals  up  to  1882  have  been  taken.  Valuable 
assistance  is  gratefully  acknowledged  from  George  E.  McNeil,  Esq.,  Secre- 
tary of  the  Knights  of  Labor  of  Massachusetts ;  from  Prof.  Benjamin  I. 
Wheeler,  of  Cornell  University ;  and  from  James  L.  Whitney,  Esq.,  of  the 
Boston  Public  Library. 


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Blanqui,  Jgrome  Adolphe.    History  of  polit.  econ.    N.  Y.,  1880. 

Bowen,  Francis.    American  polit.  econ.     N.  Y.,  1870. 

Bowker,  R.  R.    Economics  for  the  people.    N.  Y.,  1886. 

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in  the  U.  S.    (A.  Winchell)  No.  Am.,  136 :  454. 

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244  STUDIES  IX   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

Communistic  societies,  Nordhoff  on.    (H.  James,  Jr.)  Nation,  20  :  26. 

Communist  and  the  railway.    (W.  M.  Grosvenor)  Internat.  R.,  4  :  585. 

Communist,  an  English.    (J.  H.  Friswell)  Dark  Blue,  2  :  185. 

Communist  convicts  in  New  Caledonia.    Month.  2T  :  312. 

Communist's  baby.    (J.  P.  Widney)  Overland,  li  :  :38. 

Communists  and  capitalists  :  a  tale.    (O.  Thanet)  Lippinc.,  22  :  485. 

Communists,  sentence  of.    (A.  Langel)  Nation,  12 :  413. 

Democracy  and  Darwinism.    (W.  S.  Lilly)  Fortn.,  45  :  34. 

Fourier,  Charles.   (A.  J.  Booth)  Fortn.,  18  :  530,  673.  Ev.  Sat.,  13  :  638,  049  ;  14  :  23, 

44.    Tait,  n.  s.,  15  :  700. 
Fourier,  Charles,  and  his  philosophy.    (H.  Doherty)  Peop.  J.,  3  :  262.    Chr.  Rem., 

5:  15. 
Fourierism  and  the  church.  .Brownson,  6  :  91. 

and  communism.    (J.  Mazzini)  Peop.  J.,  3  :  345. 

and  similar  schemes.    (H.  Ballou,  2d)  Univ.  Q.,  2  :  52. 

and  the  socialist.    Dial.  3 :  86. 

W.  H.  Channing  on.    Brownson,  6  :  438. 

—  (J.  F.  Clarke)  Chr.  Exam. ,  37  :  57.  (D.  W.  Clark)  Meth.  Q.,  5  :  545.   Dial,  4  :  473. 

Prosp.  R.,  4  :  366.  (A.  Brisbane)  Bost.  Q.,  4  :  494  ;  5 :  183. 
Government  telegraphy.  (Cyrus  W.  Field)  No.  Am.,  142  :  227. 
Land  nationalization.  Edin.  Rev.,  157  :  263. 

why  and  how  ?    (A.  R.  Wallace)  Macmil.,  48  :  357. 

question  in  America.    (A.  J.  Desmond)  No.  Am.,  142,  151. 

Land,  free.    (Lord  Hobhouse)  Cont.,  49  :  195,  355. 
Landlordism  in  America.    (T.  P.  Gill)  No.  Am.,  142 :  52. 

(Henry  Strong  and  David  B.  King)  No.  Am.,  142 :  246. 

(Henry  George)  No.  Am.,  142 :  387. 

Liberty,  individual,  limits  of.    (S.  Alexander)  Acad.,  27 :  199. 
— .    Spec.,  58  :  313. 

Middle  classes  ?  what  has  become  of  the.    Blackw.,  138  : 175. 
Oneida  communism.    (W.  P.  Garrison)  Nation,  29  :  154,  173. 

community,  and  American  socialism.    (G.  Smith)  Canad.  Mo.,  6  :  425. 

Mutual  criticism  at.    Galaxy,  22  :  815. 

Owen,  Robert.    (O.  B.  Frothingham)  Nation,  2  :  310. 

Owen,  Robert,  and  socialism.    Tait,  n.  s.,  7 :  545.    (J.  H.  Burton)  No.  Brit.,  12  :  86. 

Books  of  the  new  moral  world.    Mo.  R.,  141 :  61. 

Life  of.    Westm.,  74  :  354. 

Plan  for  relieving  national  distress.    Ed.  R.,  32  :  450. 

System  of.    Fraser,  2  :  354. 

Views  of  society.    U.  S.  Lit.  Gaz.,  2  :  61. 

Owen,  and  factory  population.    (R.  D.  Owen)  Am.  J.  Educ.,  26  :  403. 
Owen  and  his  social  philosophy.    Dub.  Univ.,  56  :  732. 
Owen  and  social  reconstruction.    Tait,  n.  s.,  27  :  329. 
Progress  and  poverty,  George  on.    Quart.,  155  :  35. 

Progress  and  poverty,  reply  to  Argyll  on.    (H.  George)  19th  Cent.,  26  :  134. 
Radicalism,  English,  and  reality.    (Norman  Pearson)  National,  3  :  836. 
Revolution,  are  we  in  danger  of  ?    (J.  L.  Spalding)  Forum,  1 :  405. 
Riots,  recurrence  of.    (F.  G.  Matthews  ;  F.  G.  Mather)  And.  R.,  5  :  277. 
Shaker,  autobiography  of  a.    (F.  W.  Evans)  Atlan.,  23  :  415,  593. 

village.    (W.  D.  Howells)  Atlan.,  37 :  699. 

Shakeress,  fifteen  years  a.    Galaxy,  13  :  29,  460. 
Shakerism  in  the  U.  S.    Westm.,  87  :  401. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  SUBJECTS.  245 

Shakers.    (C.  D.  Warner)  Serib.,  18 :  549.    (C.  E.  Hopley)  St.  James,  30 :  329.    (A. 

Hyde)  O.  and  N.,  3  :  706.    (E.  Everett)  No.  Am.,  16 :  76.    (B.  Silliman)  Chr. 

Mo.  Spec.,  6  :  351.     Niles's  Reg.,  23  :  37  ;  37  :  58.     Portfol.  (Dem.),  8 :  329. 

Penny  M.,  6  :  445.    (S.  J.  Hancock)  N.  Eel.,  7  :  482,  521. 
Shakers  and  Elder  Evans.    Ev.  Sat.,  11  :  295. 

at  Lebanon,  N.  Y.    (B.  J.  Lossing)  Harper,  15  :  164. 

Day  among.    Once  a  Week,  6 :  610.    Dial,  4  :  165. 

in  Hampshire,  visit  to.    Irish  Mo.,  6  :  555. 

—  Sabbath  with.    (H.  Greeley)  Knick.,  11 :  532. 

Social  classes,  Sumner  on  mutual  obligations  of.    (R.  Hazzard)  And.  R.,  1 : 159. 

—  dangers,  three.    (W.  Gladden)  Century,  28  :  620. 

—  experiment  at  New  Harmony.    (R.  D.  Owen)  Allan.,  32  :  224. 

—  palace  at  Guise.    (E.  Howland)  Harper,  44 :  701. 
forces  in  U.  S.    (E.  E.  Hale)  No.  Am.,  137 :  403. 

reform  in  Great  Britain.    (S.  Smith)  19th  Cent.,  13 :  896. 

—  studies.    I.  The  railway  problem.    (J.  T.  Ely)  Harper,  73 :  250. 

wreckage  and  the  laws  in  England.    (D.  Hopkins)  Contemp.,  44  :  94. 

Socialism  anarchic.    (E.  K.  Rawson)  New  Eng.,  43  :  113. 

—  The  coming  slavery.    (H.  Spencer)  Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  24 :  721. 

and  democracy.    (G.  C.  Broderick)  19th  Cent.,  15  :  626. 

and  conservatism.    (W.  H.  Mallock)  National,  2 :  695. 

and  land  nationalization.    (H.  Fawcett)  Macmil.,  48 :  182. 

—  and  liberty.    (Earl  of  Pembroke)  National,  1 :  336. 

—  as  government.    (H.  A.  Taine)  Contemp.,  46 :  507. 

—  Christian,  theory  of.    (M.  Kaufmann)  Brit.  Q.,  80  :  316. 

—  and  rent  appropriation.    (H.  George  ;  H.  M.  Hyndman)  19th  Cent.,  17  :  369. 

—  in  1885.    (J.  E.  T.  Rogers)  Contemp.,  47  :  51. 

revival  of,  in  Europe.    (J.  McCarthy)  Am.  Cath.  Q.,  10 :  116. 

atheistic.    Sat.  R.,  59 :  754. 

—  Review  of  Theo.  D.  Woolsey  on.    Westm.,  118 :  175. 

—  Moralities  of.    Church  Q.,  20 :  394. 

—  Ely  on  recent  American.    (A.  Shaw)  Dial  (Ch.),  6 :  72. 

Social  democrats  in  Reichstag.    (E.  A.  Curley)  Harper's,  71  ;  343. 

—  and  its  diversions.    (H.  R.  Fox  Bourne)  Gent.  Mag.,  n.  s.,  35  :  447. 

—  and  legislation.    Westm.,  125 :  1. 

—  and  liberty.    Month.,  35  : 15. 

—  Danger  ahead.    (L.  Abbott)  Cent.,  31 :  51. 

—  Contemporary.    Spec.,  58 :  1297. 

English  radicals  and.    (H.  M.  Hyndman)  19th  Cent.,  18 :  833. 

—  Reply  to  Fox  Bourne.    (E.  B.  Bay)  Gent.  Mag.,  n.  s.,  35 :  600. 

—  (R.  T.  Ely)  And.  R.,  5 :  146. 

—  State.    Sat.  Rev.,  60 :  446. 

—  and  the  church.    (J.  H.  W.  Stuckenberg)  Homiletic  R.,  11 :  401. 
strength  and  weakness  of.    (W.  Gladden)  Cent.,  31 :  737. 

—  Owen's  plan  of.    Blackw.,  18 :  338. 

—  Present  aspects  of,  1878.    (D.  Ker)  Nat.  Q.,  37 :  336. 

Progress  of,  in  England.    (W.  Cunningham)  Contemp.,  34  :  245. 

Recent  aspects  of,  1850.    Brit.  Q.,  11 :  467. 

Seditious  meetings,  1839.    Quar.,  05  :  153. 

Some  remedies  of.    (E.  L.  Godkin)  Internat.  R.,  0 :  676. 

State.    (G.  J.  Holyoake)  19th  Cent.,  5 :  1114. 

War  upon  society.    De  Bow,  22  :  088. 


216  STUDIES  IN   MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

Socialism,  nature  of  true.    (J.  B.  Clark)  New  Eng.,  38 :  565. 

of  Karl  Marx  and  the  Young  Hegelians.    (J.  Rae)  Contemp.,  40 :  585. 

of  the  present  day.    (A.  J.  Thebaud)  Am.  Cath.  Q.,  4  :  431. 

Origin  and  first  manifestation  of.    (A.  J.  Thebaud)  Am.  Cath.  Q.,  5  :  39. 

Orthodox,  in  Germany,    (E.  Laveleye)  New  Eng.,  38  :  748. 

in  the  U.  S.,  weapons  against.    (B.  Murphy)  Cath.  World,  31 :  721. 

Kaufmann  on.    Victoria,  24  :  279. 

List  of  works  on.    Unita.  B.,  16  :  531. 

—  Modern.    (J.  H.  Fyfe)  Good  Words,  16  :  172.     (H.  E.  P.  Platt)  Dark  Blue,  1 : 

446. 
Modern  and  primitive  property.    Ed.  R.,  148  :  146. 

—  in  Europe.    (A.  Bierbower)  O.  and  N.,  8  :  422,  525. 
in  France.    Broadw.,  8  :  451. 

in  Great  Britain.    Chamb.  J.,  30 :  99. 

in  Great  Britain,  and  Robert  Owen.    (J.  W.  Burton)  No.  Brit.,  12 :  86. 

hi  the  United  States.   Am.  Church  R.,  15  :  520.   (J.  Crawford)  Ref.  Q.,  26  :  311. 

WTestm.,  87 :  401.    (H.  Fawcett)  Sup.  Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  4 :  97.    Fraser,  91 :  511. 

German,  and  Karl  Marx.    (J.  MacDonnell)  Fortn.,  23  :  382. 

German,  in  America.    No.  Am.,  128  :  372,  481. 

German,  of  the  16th  century.    All  the  Year,  43  :  464. 

German,  suppression  of.    (E.  L.  Godkin)  Nation,  27 :  207. 

to  China.    Chamb.  J.,  24  :  93. 

English,  and  communistic  associations.    (W.  R.  Greg)  Ed.  R.,  93 : 1. 

French.    Westm.,  57  :  460. 

—  French  anti-social  publication.    Colburn,  86 : 171. 

German.    No.  Brit.,  11 :  406.  (W.  Brown)  Atlan.,  44 :  521.    (F.  Knapp)  Nation, 

27 :  81,  95, 114.  (J.  W.  Bell)  Canad.  Mo.,  19  :  37.    (P.  Girard)  Cath.  World,  27  : 

433.    (C.  W.  Ernst)  Radical  R.,  1 :  25. 

Co-operative.    (G.  J.  Holyoake)  Contemp.,  28  :  444. 

Current  revolution.    (R.  E.  Thompson)  Penn  Mo.,  1  :  121. 

Development  of,  in  Germany  and  the  U.  S.    (H.  Fawcett)  Fortn.,  30  :  605. 

Different  systems  of.    Hunt,  41 :  403, 529, 659  ;  42 :  19, 275,  532  ;  43 :  19, 659  ;  44  : 

275. 

and  science.    (O.  Schmidt)  Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  14  :  577. 

and  social  science.    (T.  Appel)  Mercersb.,  17  :  242. 

Anti -social  publications,  French.    Eel.  M.,  17  :  545. 

— —  W.  H.  Channing  on.    Brownson,  6  :  438. 

Chapters  on.    (J.  S.  Mill)  Fortn.,  31  :  217,  373,  513. 

and  imperialism.    (F.  Seebohm)  19th  Cent.,  7  :  726. 

and  Abb6  Lamennais.    Brit.  Q.,  9  :  501. 

and  liberalism.    Brownson,  12  :  183. 

and  priestcraft.    Eel.  R.,  71  :  559. 

and  protection.    Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  14  :  389. 

and  the  church.    Brownson,  6  :  91. 

and  communism  on  the  independent.    (J.  T.  Hecker)  Cath.  World,  28 :  808. 

and  communistic  associations.  English.    Ed.  R.,  93  :  1. 

and  economics  in  England.    Chr.  Rem.,  22  :  182. 

.    Quar.,  65 :  484.    (W.  G.  Sumner)  Scrib.,  16  :  887.    (H.  C.  Adams)  Penn  Mo., 

10  :  285.    Tait,  n.  s.,  7  :  545.    (J.  T.  Redfield)  Am.  Church  R.,  2  :  491. 

American.    (Goldwin  Smith)  Canad.  Mo.,  6 :  425. 

and  centralization.    De  Bow,  20 :  692. 

and  Christianity.    (S.  Osgood)  Chr.  Exam.,  45: 194. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  SUBJECTS.  247 

Socialism  :  the  European  terror,    (E.  de  Laveleye)  Fortn.,  39  :  548. 

Christian,  in  Germany.    (John  Rae)  Contemp.,  41 :  88. 

Practicable.    (S.  A.  Barnett)  19th  Cent.,  13  :  554. 

Progress  of.    (E.  de  Laveleye)  Contemp.,  43 :  561. 

—  recent  American.    (J.  T.  Ely)  J.  H.  Univ.  Studies,  3 :  231. 

strength  of  revolutionary.    (J.  T.  Ely)  J.  H.  Univ.  Studies,  3 :  283. 

and  atheism.    (M.  Kaufmann)  Contemp.,  47  :  823. 

Socialisms  in  the  U.  S.   Westm.,  93 :  364.   Noyes's  history  of.    (W.  P.  Garrison1! 

Nation,  11  :  140. 
Socialism  in  England.    (J.  Bryce)  Nation,  36  :  528. 

—  in  America.    (R.  T.  Ely)  No.  Am.,  142 :  519. 

—  academic.    (H.  Tuttle)  Atlan.,  52 :  200. 

Russian,  rationale  of.    (E.  K.  Rawson)  And.  R.,  2  :  246. 

contemporary,  English.    (G.  P.  Macdonnell)  Acad.,  26 :  103. 

German.    (M.  Kaufmann)  Fortn.,  42  :  768. 

Socialistic  communism  la  the  U.  S.    (G.  D.  Wolff)  Am.  Cath.  Q.,  3  :  522. 
Socialistic  labor  party.    (R.  T.  Ely)  J.  H.  Univ.  Studies,  3 :  276. 
Socialist  and  communist  theories.    Prosp.  R.,  4  :  351. 

experiments  in  America,    Month,  14  :  466. 

idea.    (B.  Murphy)  Cath.  World,  27  :  391. 

party  hi  France,  1849.    No.  Brit.,  10  :  261. 

Socialists,  communists,  and  red  republica  s.    Am.  Whig.  R.,  10 :  401. 

English.    (R.  J.  Hinton)  Radical,  6  :  327. 

French.    Black w.,  56 :  588. 

in  a  German  university.    (W.  Brown)  Atlant.,  48  :  801. 

of  the  chair.    (J.  Rae)  Contemp.,  39  :  232.     (R.  E.  Thompson)  Penn  Mo.,  7  : 

393. 

and  the  London  police.    Spec.,  58 :  1255. 

State,  Man  versus  the,  Spencer  on.    (E.  de  Laveleye  and  H.  Spencer)  Contemp., 

47  :  485.    The  same,  Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  27  :  165,  188. 
purchase  of  railways,  Leon  Say  on.    (F.  R.  Conder)  Fraser,  n.  s.,  25 :  426. 

—  control  of  railways.    (S.  Laing  and  Joseph  Parsloe)  Fortu.,  45 :  649. 
State,  duty  of  the,  its  rules  and  limits.    Dub.  Rev.,  52 :  245. 

—  the,  and  the  unemployed.    Brit.  Q.  R.,  83 :  257. 

—  the,  as  an  economic  factor.    E.  J.  James  ;  F.  W.  Taussig)  Science,  7  :  485. 
"To-day.    Mo.  Mag.  of  Sci.  Socialism."    London,  1884. 

Wealth,  the  people's  share  in.    (E.  G.  Clark)  No.  Am.,  143  :  54. 

ARTICLES  IN  REVUE  DBS  PEUX  MONDES. 

Les  socialistes  modernes.    (L.  Reybaud)  I.  Les  Saint-Simoniens,  1  aout  1836.    II. 

Charles  Fourier,  15  novein.  1837.    m.  Robert  Owen,  1  avril  1838. 
Des  idees  et  des  sectes  communistes.    1  jul.  1842. 

La  societ«  et  le  socialisme.    La  statisque,  la  philosophic,  le  roman.    1  mars  1843. 
Le  liberalisme  [socialiste,  les  ecrits  de  M.  Proudhon.    (L.  de  Lavergne)  13  juin 

1841. 
La  guerre  du  socialisme.    (E.  Forcade)  I.  La  philosophic  revolutionnaire  et  soci 

ale.    MM.  de  Lamennais  et  Proudhon.    1  decem.  1848.    n.  L'6conomie  poli- 

tique  r6volutionnaire  et  sociale.  15  decem.  1848. 
De  la  guerre  sociale.  (Chasles,  Philarete)  1  aout  1848. 
Le  communisme  jug£  par  Thistoire,  par  M.  Franck.  (Michel  Chevalier)  15  mars 

1849. 
Le  socialisme  et  les  socialistes  en  province.    (E.  Mont£ gut)  1  septem.  1849. 


2±8  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

Les  questions  politiques  et  sociales.  (Michel  Chevalier)  I.  L'assistance  et  la  pr6- 
voyance  publiques,  15  mars  1850.  II.  Des  conditions  de  la  paix  sociale,  1 
avril  1850.  III.  D'un  socialisme  offlciel  au  conseil  general  du  commerce,  etc., 
15  juin  1850.  IV.  Des  moyens  de  diminuer  la  misere,  15  jul.  1850. 

La  veritable  cause  de  la  crise  sociale  (E.  Mont6gut),  15  oct.  1851. 

Proudhon  et  ses  ceuvres  completes.    (E.  Pelletan)  15  Jan.  1866. 

Le  sociah'sme  contemporaine.    (J.  Clav6)  15  avril  1870. 

Les  d6crets  et  les  doctrines  de  la  commune  de  Paris.    (C.  Lavolle'e)  15  decem.  1871. 

Le  progres  social.  (E.  Caro)  I.  Les  metamorphoses  de  Tidee  de  progres  dans  la 
science  contemporaine,  15  oct.  187'3.  II.  Les  lois  et  les  limites  du  progres 
dans  la  science,  dans  la  morale,  et  dans  Tart,  1  novem.  1873. 

Le  socialisme  et  les  greves.    (Paul  Leroy-Beaulieu)  1  mars  1870. 

La  commune,  l'6glise  et  l'6tat  dans  leurs  rapports  avec  les  classes  laborieuses,  par 
M.  F.  B6chard.  (Anonyme)  15  mars  1850. 

Un  voyage  d'exploration  chez  les  societes  communistes  aux  Etats-Unis.  (Th. 
Bentzon)  1  aout  1875. 

La  democratic  devaut  la  morale  de  Tavenir.    (E.  Caro)  1  novem.  1875. 

Le  fondateur  du  socialisme  moderne.    Saint-Simon.    (Paul  Janet)  15  avril  1876. 

Uu  euquete  morale  sur  Tiudustrie.  M.  Louis  Reybaud.  (H.  Baudrillart)  15  juin 
1876. 

Le  socialisme  contemporaine  en  Allemagne.    (E.  de  Laveleye)  1  septem.  1876. 

Le  socialisme  moderne.  L'ecole  Saint-Simonienne,  Bazard  et  Enfantin.  (Paul 
Janet)  1  oct.  1876. 

Le  socialisme  contemporaine  en  Allemagne.  F.  Lassalle.  (E.  de  Laveleye)  lj  de- 
cem. 1876. 

Le  parti  socialiste  en  Allemagne.    (G.  Valbert)  1  avril  1878. 

L'iuvasion  chinois  et  le  socialisme  aux  Etats-Unis.    (C.  de  Varigny)  1  oct.  1878. 

Le  socialisme  contemporaine  en  Allemagne.  Les  socialistes  catholiques.  (E.  de 
Laveleye)  15  novem.  1878. 

Les  socialistes  conservateurs  et  les  socialistes  evangSliques.    1  fev.  1879. 

Le  socialisme  agraire  et  le  regime  de  la  propri6t6  en  Europe.  (Anatole  Leroy- 
Beaulieu)  1  mars  1879. 

Le  socialisme  au  xixe  siecle.    Charles  Fourier.    (Paul  Janet)  1  oct.  1879. 

Uiie  Edition  nouvelle  de  Saint-Simon.    (Gaston  Boissier)  1  fev.  1880. 

Uu  socialiste  chinois  au  xie  siecle.    (C.  de  Varigny)  15  fev.  1880. 

Les  origines  du  socialisme  contemporaine.  Le  socialisme  re>olutionnaire.  (Paul 
Janet)  15  jul.  1880.  Le  communisme  au  xviii6  siecle.  1  aout  1880. 

Le  socialisme  de  M.  de  Bismarck  et  le  nouveau  Reichstag.  (N.  G.  Valbert)  1  de- 
cem. 1881. 

La  solidarit6  humaine  et  les  droits  de  Tindividu.    (Alfred  Fouillee)  15  aout  1883. 

Les  6tudes  rScentes  sur  la  propriety.    (C.  Lavollee)  15  juiu  1884. 

Le  combat  centre  la  misere.  I.  Les  corporations  et  les  syndicates  mixtes.  (Le 
compte  de'Haussonville)  1  mars  1885.  II.  La  prevoyance  et  la  mutuality, 
1  jul.  1885.  III.  La  cooperation  et  la  participation  aux  benefices,  la  charit6, 
15  decem.  1885. 

Le  socialisme  anglo-saxon  et  son  nouveau  prophete,  H.  George.  (Louis  Waurin) 
1  avril  1886.  

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256  STUDIES  IN  MODERN   SOCIALISM. 

Weeden,  WiUiam  B.    The  social  law  of  labor.    Boston,  1882. 

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Wright,  T.    Our  new  masters.    1873. 

Wunter,  A.    Curiosities  of  toil,  and  other  papers.    London,  1870. 

Wylie,  Alexander.    Labor,  leisure,  and  luxury.    London,  1884. 

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Young,  J.  S.    Address  to  Congress  on  the  protection  of  American  labor.    Ports- 
mouth, 1849. 

PERIODICAL  LITERATURE. 

Boycott,  the  evolution  of  the.    (W.  A.  Hammond)  Forum,  1 :  369. 

Boycotting,  two  kinds  of.    Century,  32 :  320. 

Capital,  ratio  of,  to  consumption.    (F.  B.  Hawley)  Nat.,  2 :  39,  95. 

—  rights  of.    (W.  T.  Thornton)  Fortn.,  8  :  592. 

withdrawal  of,  from  trade  ;   failures,  1857-75.    (W.  M.  Grosvenor)  Nation, 

21 :  81. 

—  Workiugman's  view  of.    (E.  L.  Godkin)  Nation,  8 :  85. 
Organization  of.    (E.  L.  Godkin)  Nation,  18 :  37. 

Origin,  growth,  and  uses  of.    Bank.  M.  (N.  Y.),  14 :  147. 

Poverty  and  crime.    (E.  Roscoe)  Victoria,  21 :  561. 

Protection  of.    O.  and  N.,  3 :  467. 

—  Emancipation  of.    (S.  S.  Hibbard)  Univ.  Q.,  31  :  133. 
Fixed  and  floating.    Bank.  M.  (N.  Y.),  3  :  115. 

Future  of.    (E.  L.  Godkin)  Nation,  12 :  429. 

Invisible.    Blackw.,  98 :  701. 

J.  S.  Mill  on.    (A.  Musgrave)  Contemp.,  24 :  728. 

and  population.    (G.  R.  Richards)  De  Bow,  21 :  217. 

Association  of.'  Bank.  M.  (N.  Y.),  10 : 1. 

—  Depreciation  of.    Bank.  M.  (N.  Y.),  32  :  89. 

Economy  of.    (R.  H.  Patterson)  Blackw.,  95  :  300. 

Labor  and  wages.    Republic,  2 :  114. 

and  labor,  future  of.    (G.  Potter)  Contemp.,  16  :  437. 

and  labor,  union  of.    Bank.  M.  (N.  Y.),  27  :  802. 

and  its  use.    Chamb.  J.,  36 :  209. 

Labor  and  profit.    (J.  E.  T.  Rogers)  Fraser,  81 ;  500. 

and  labor.    (P.  Girard)  Cath.  World,  28 :  230.    (E.  L.  Godkin)  Nation,  8 :  249, 

277.    (W.  T.  Moore)  Chr.  Q.,  7  :  526.    (R.  Sulley)  Hunt,  26  :  488,  578  ;  56 :  249. 

Bost.  Q.,  3  :  209.    Brit.  Q.,  67  ;  116.     De  Bow,  22  :  249.    Dem.  R.,  25  :  385  ; 

33 :  193.    Bank  M.  (N.  Y.),  3 :  151.    Potter  Am.  Mo.,  9  :  229,  313. 

World's  demand  for.    Bank  M.  (N.  Y.),  35  :  51. 

encroachments  of.    (J.  V.  Campbell)  No.  Am.,  139 : 101. 

wages,  and  rich  men.    (J.  S.  Patterson)  Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  25 : 788. 

use  and  abuse  of.    (N.  Smyth)  And.  Rev.,  3 :  423. 

Competition  and  combination.    (A.  T.  Hadley)  And.  Rev.,  2 : 445. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  SUBJECTS.  257 

De  la  condition  des  classes  dependantes  au  moyen  age.    (E.  Secretan)  Bibliot.  et 

Rev.  Suisse,  n.  per.  v.  20.  1864,  p.  381. 

Early-closing  movement.    (Lord  Brabazon)  19th  Cent.,  12  : 517. 
Eight-hour  system.    (A.  Gunton)  Forum,  1 : 136. 
Factories,  depreciation  of  value  of.    Sat.  Rev.,  60 : 421. 
Industrial  organization  and  competition.    (R.  S.  Moffat)  National,  5  :  842. 
Industrial  spirit,  demand  of  the.    (C.  D.  Warner)  No.  Am.,  139  :  209. 
Iron  city,  an,  beside  the  Ruhr  f Essen].    (M.  D.  Conway)  Harper's,  72 : 495. 
Labor.    What  determines  the  price  of  ?    (W.  T.  Thornton)  Fortn.,  7  :  551. 

—  contests  in  England.    (W.  R.  Greg)  19th  Cent.,  5  :  434. 
wages,  combination,  etc.    Broadw.,  7  :  377. 

wages,  fair  day's.    (L.  H.  Courtney)  Fortn.,  31 : 417. 

wages-fund  theory.    (H.  Sidgwick)  Fortn.,  32  :  401. 

what  banks  do  for.    (G.  Walker)  Bank.  M.  (N.  Y.),  33 : 161. 

—  surplus.    Fraser,  7  :  282,  377. 

—  tribute  to.    West.  J.,  7  :  271. 
thoughts  on.    Dial,  1 :  497. 

vs.  commodities.    (G.  H.  Darwin)  Contemp.,  22 : 689. 

—  wages  and  food,  1852.    Brit.  Q.,  7  :  377. 
skilled.    (G.  W.  Powers)  O.  and  N.,  8  : 154. 

—  source  of.    Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  1 : 40. 

—  spirit  and  fruits  of,    (F.  D.  Huntington)  Mo.  Rel.  M.,  16 : 231. 

—  strikes,  short  hours,  poor-laws,  and  laissez   faire.    (W.  R.  Greg)   Fraser, 

86:265. 

—  relief  of.    (S.  Eliot)  Am.  So.  Sci.  J.,  4  : 133. 

—  representation  of.    Bank.  M.  (L.),  33  :  923. 

rest,  recreation.    (J.  dimming)  Ex.  H.  Lee.,  10 : 39. 

—  right  to.    So.  Q.,  16  : 115. 

rights  of.    (C.  S.  Drewry)  Victoria,  25 : 920. 

—  Sheffield  a  battle-field  of  English.    (M.  D.  Conway)  Harper,  36 : 481,  594. 
Labor.    So.  Q.,  11 :  77. 

and  association.    Brownson,  5 :  71. 

Labor  crisis,  1867.    (E.  L.  Godkin)  Nation,  4  :  334. 

—  Dollar.    (S.  P.  Andrews)  Radical  R.,  1  :  287. 
Labor  movement.    (Gold win  Smith)  Contemp.,  21 :  226. 

—  in  1850.    Eel.  R.,  93  :  66. 

—  in  1870.    (E.  L.  Godkin)  Nation,  10  :  298. 
in  1874,  Quar.,  137  : 159. 

views  of.   (O.  A.  Brownson)  Cath.  World,  10  :  784. 

Labor  parties  and  labor  reform.    (S.  Johnson)  Radical,  9  :  241. 
Labor  question,  thoughts  on.    (D.  O.  Kellogg)  Penn  Mo.,  10 :  761. 

and  the  clergy.    (Henry  W.  Farnham)  New  Princ.  Rev.,  2  :  48. 

Workingmen's  congress.    (E.  L.  Godkin)  Nation,  7  :  244. 

—  workingmen's  ideal  society.    (E.  L.  Godkin)  Nation,  9  : 286. 

—  in  Europe.    (E.  Gryzanowski)  No.  Am.,  114  :  309. 

—  hi  Massachusetts.    (C.  F.  Adams,  Jr.)  No.  Am.,  114  : 147.    (E.  Atkinson)  Na- 

tion, 12  :  433.    (J.  B.  Hodgskin)  Nation,  12 :  398. 

moral  bearings  of.    (W.  Silsbee)  Unita.  R.,  10 : 482. 

Thornton  on.    Brit.  Q.,  50  : 448. 

—  in  1870.    Ev.  Sat.,  9  :  738. 

—  in  1872.    (E.  L.  Godkin)  Nation,  14  : 5. 
in  California.    (J.  Hayes)  Overland,  6 : 140. 


258  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

Labor  question  in  England.  (W.  E.  Forster)  J.  Statis.  Soc.,  36  : 494.  (E.  L.  Godkin) 
Nation,  13  :  284.  Fraser,  87  : 597. 

Brown  on.    Dub.  Univ.,  83  :  639. 

from  labor  side.    (J.  H.  Jones)  Internat.  R.,  9  :  51. 

—  in  1808.    (C.  A.  Cummings)  Ov  and  N.,  5  :  409. 

—  in  1852.    (A.  P.  Peabody)  No.  Am.,  74  :  445. 

Labor  and  land  in  England.  Once  a  Week,  28  :  9.    (E.  L.  Godkin)  Nation,  15  :  197- 

—  and  literature.    No.  Brit.,  14  :  382. 

—  and  national  interest.    (D.  A.  Gorton)  Nat.  Q.,  36  :  1. 

—  and  politics.    (E.  L.  Godkin)  Nation,  14  :  386. 

Labor,  question  of.  (E.  L.  Godkin)  No.  Am.,  105  :  177.  (R.  G.  Eccles) Pop.  Sci.  Mo., 
11 :  605.  (A.  S.  Bolles)  Bank.  M.  (N.  Y.),  28 :  841.  Bank.  M.  (N.  Y.),  30 :  32. 
Brit.  Q.,  14  :  67.  Dub.  R.,  72 :  48.  (Pere  Hyacinthe)  Cath.  World,  6  :  472.  Am. 
Cath.  Q.,  3  :  721.  Nation,  8 :  85,  290.  (H.  James,  Jr.)  Nation,  11 :  132.  (E.  L. 
Godkin)  Nation,  13 :  397  ;  15  :  148.  (J.  H.  Morrison)  Unita.  R.,  8  :  440.  (C.  Ben- 
son) Galaxy,  15 :  312.  (C.  C.  P.  Clark)  Putnam,  13 : 141.  Dub.  Univ.,  78 :  389. 

—  poets  of.    Irish  Q.,  5  :  48. 

Product  of,  and  value  of  human  life.    Niles's  Reg.,  22  :  83. 

Products  and  checks  of.    Niles's  Reg.,  16  :  385. 

—  pauperism,  and  crime.    (C.  D.  Wright)  Unita.  R.,  10  :  170. 

—  pay-roll  of  Christendom.    (S.  Osgood)  Harper,  44 :  4:34. 
Mental  division  of.    Penny  M.,  11 :  2. 

Migration  of.    Westm.,  97 :  417. 

Misapplied.    Penny  M.,  2 :  438. 

—  Mission  of.    (J.  P.  Thompson)  New  Eng.,  6  :  473. 
Juvenile  and  female.    (W.  R.  Greg)  Ed.  R.,  79  :  130. 

—  Law  of,  and  law  of  love.    (H.  Stowell)  Ex.  H.  Lee.,  14 :  333. 

—  Letters  on.    (W.  Howitt)  Peop.  J.,  1 :  208,  353. 

—  lightened  not  lost.    (J.  Miller)  Ex.  H.  Lee.,  11 :  105. 
Manual.    Nation,  9  ;  226,  269,  337. 

—  in  the  U.  S.  and  Europe  compared.    (N.  Appleton)  Hunt.,  11 :  217.    Republic, 

5  :  375  ;  6  :  47.    Cath.  World,  23  :  59. 

industrial  self-help.    1864.    (J.  Plummer)  Victoria,  3  :  209. 

Infant.    (Lord  Ashley)  Quar.,  67  :  171. 

is  it  a  curse  ?    Galaxy,  6 :  537. 

in  Great  Britain.    Pamp.,  23  :  495. 

in  Massachusetts.    (C.  F.  Adams.  Jr.)  No.  Am.,  115 :  210.    Ev.  Sat.,  11 :  2. 

in  the  U.  S.    (W.  N.  Nelson)  So.  Mo.,  10 :  653. 

—  in  the  U.  S.,  and  the  Chinese.    (F.  H.  Norton)  Scrib.,  2 :  61. 
in  England,  history  of.    (E.  Brooks)  No.  Am.,  Ill :  52. 

—  in  England,  price  of.    (T.  Brassey)  Internat.  R.,  3  :  577. 

—  in  England  and  in  America,  price  of.    (N.  Sheppard)  Temp.  Bar,  36 :  343. 
in  the  Fiji  islands.    (Earl  of  Pembroke)  Temp.  Bar,  36  :  22. 

Hours  of,  nine  hours  by  statute.    Con  temp.,  20 :  184. 

Hours  of,  nine-hour  movement.    (H.  Stevens)  Canad.  Mo.,  1 :  423. 

Improved  condition  of,  1855.    (C.  M.  Weston)  Hunt.,  34  :  403. 

Future  of.    (J.  L.  Whittle)  Fraser,  82  :  373.    Irish  Q.,  4  :  793. 

Grotto's  gospel  of.    (S.  Colvin)  Sup.  Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  1 :  87. 

Hours  of.    (R.  G.  Hazard)  No.  Am.,  102 :  195.   (E.  Hartness)  O.  and  N.,  5 :  751. 

hours  of,  legal  interference  with.    (A.  Walker)  Lippinc.,  2 :  527. 

English  gang.    Land  we  Love,  5  :  316. 

Ethics  of.    (D.  A.  Gorton)  Nat.  Q.,  33 :  28. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  SUBJECTS.  259 

Labor,  ethics  of,  Walker's.    Tait,  n.  s.,  23 :  639. 

—  evils  of  piecework.    (W.  Lattimer)  19th  Cent.,  5  :  547. 

—  Distribution  of,  in  England.    Chamb.  J.,  22 :  229. 
Division  of.    (W.  T.  Harris)  No.  Am.,  127  :  261. 

effects  of  protracted.    (T.  Hughes)  Ex.  H.  Lee.,  2 :  31. 

—  Efficiency  of  English  and  foreign,  compared.     (T.  Brassey)  Good  Words, 

20:  352. 

—  Crisis.    (Henry  Clews.  Rufus  Hatch,  S.  B.  Elkins)  No.  Am.,  142 :  519. 

—  Cry  of :  what  answer  ?    (P.  A.  Chadbourne)  Internal.  R.,  5 :  577. 

—  Demand  for.    Fraser,  79 :  403. 

—  Dignity  of.    (N.  Hall)  Ex.  H.  Lee.,  10 :  393.    (J.  S.  Blackie)  Good  Words,  20 : 

837.    Chamb.  J.,  25  :  212. 

—  Claims  of,  and  its  rights.    (W.  T.  Thornton)  Fortn.,  8 :  477. 

—  Claims  of,  Thornton  on.    (J.  S.  Mill)  Fortn,,  11 :  505,  680. 

—  Communion  of.     (S.  P.  Ford)  Mo.  Rel.  M.,  16 :  405.    (A.  Jameson)  Am.  J. 

Educ.,  3 :  495. 

—  Christian  doctrine  of.    (S.  Harris)  New  Eng.,  24 :  243. 

—  The  church  and.    (P.  Girard)  Cath.  World,  28 :  659. 

—  Claims  of.    (J.  S.  Mill)  Ed.  R.,  81 :  498.    Dub.  Univ.,  25 :  45.    (W.  R.  Greg) 

West.,  43  :  445.    Chamb.  J.,  3  :  26. 

—  as  it  used  to  be.    Chamb.  J.,  44  :  435. 

—  bills  on,  Mr.  Cross's.    (W.  A.  Hunter)  Fortn.,  24  :  217. 
Louis  Blanc's  organization  of.    Chamb.  J.,  9  :  330. 

—  British  and  foreign  reciprocity.    Blackw.,  69  :  112. 
and  wages.    (J.  M.  Sturtevant)  New  Eng.,  13 :  161. 

—  and  wages  in  England.    (J.  E.  T.  Rogers)  Princ.,  n.  s.,  4 : 1. 
and  wages  in  the  U.  S.    Republic,  6  :  307. 

and  wages,  a  laborer  on.    No.  Am.,  125  :  322. 

—  and  the  poor.    Fraser,  41 :  1. 
and  recreation.    Tinsley,  14  :  424. 

—  and  skill.    West.  J.,  1 :  177. 

—  and  study,  union  of.    (J.  Hough)  Am.  Q.  Reg.,  3 :  166. 
and  subsistence.    Niles's  Reg.,  31 :  49,  112. 

—  and  cheap  money.    (J.  Butts)  No.  Am.,  116 :  56. 

—  and  law.    Lond.  Q.,  26 :  316. 

—  and  life.    Tait,  n.  s.,  23  :  385. 

and  money.    Bank.  M.  (N.  Y.),  23 :  157,  661. 

and  natural  forces.    (C.  C.  Coffin)  Atlant.,  43  :  553. 

—  and  capital ;  parliamentary  reform.    Fraser,  75 :  1. 

—  and  capital ;  reducing  wages  to  maintain  profit.    (J.  E.  Curran)  New  Eng., 

38:263. 

and  capital,  relations  between.    Ed.  R.,  100 : 168. 

and  capital,  struggles  of.    Bank.  M.  (N.  Y.),  33 :  85. 

and  capital  in  1877.    (A.  B.  Mason)  Nation,  25  :  119. 

and  capital  in  manufactures.    (A.  Walker)  Scrib.,  4 :  460. 

and  capital ;  lesson  of  the  colliers'  strike,  1864.    (M.  D.  Conway)  Chr.  Ex., 

78 ;  241. 

—  and  capital ;  masters  and  workmen.    (T.  Hughes)  Macmil.,  4  :  494. 

and  capital.    (E.  B.  Bigton)  Atlan.,  42 :  475.  (8.  Newcomb)  No.  Am.,  Ill :  122. 

(R.  Sulley)  Hunt,  27  :  51, 178.  (G.  Gardwell)  Hunt,  18  :  65.  (E.  Kellog)  Hunt, 
18  :  625.  Chamb.  J.,  22 :  158.  (C.  8.  Derar)  Month,  25  :  156,  333,  485.  (H.  N. 
Stone)  Radical,  3 :  711  ;  10 :  96. 


260  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

Labor  reform.    (H.  H.  Barber)  Unita.  R.,  10  : 675. 

What  it  means.    (A.  G.  Sedgwick)  Nation,  9  :  453. 

Labor  reform  party.    (F.  Lockley)  Lakeside,  4  :  356. 

schools.    (E.  D.  Cheney)  Radical,  9:1. 

Labor  strike,  1877.   (E.  Stan  wood)  Radical  R.,  1 :  553.    (Goldwin  Smith)  Contemp., 
30:  529. 

strikes  in  England.    Am  Arch.,  2 :  383. 

troubles.    Am.  Arch.,  3 :  38,  62. 

Utopias  and  economic  fallacies.    Quar.,  131 :  229. 

Labor,  the  festival  of.    (Marie  Rowland)  Overland,  n.  s.,  1 :  304. 

problem  of  our  time.    (A.  Lefflngwell)  Internal.  R.,  14  :  353. 

progress  of,  in  Great  Britain.    (F.  Harrison)  Contemp.,  44 :  477. 

is  it  a  commodity  ?    (\V.  Gladden)  Forum,  1 :  468. 

convict,  and  the  labor  reformers.    (A.  S.  Myrick)  Princ.,  n.  s.,  11 : 196. 

and  capital,  before  the  law.    (T.  M.  Cooley)  No.  Am.,  139  :  503. 

hours  of.    (E.  Atkinson)  No.  Am.,  142 : 507. 

organizations  in  America.    (R.  J.  Hinton)  No.  Am.,  140  :  48. 

question,  and  employer's  view  of.    (A.  Carnegie)  Forum,  1 : 114. 

problem,  a  consideration  of  the.    (W.  C.  Blackwood)  Overland,  n.  s.,  3  :  449. 

Rogers's  six  centuries  of  work  and  wages.    (.C.  I.  Elton)  Acad.,  25  : 287  ;  Na- 
tion, 39  : 77. 

army  of  the  discontented.    (T.  V.  Powderly)  No.  Am.,  140 :  369. 

claims  of.    (N.  Smyth)  And.  Rev.,  3  :  302. 

- —  remuneration  of,  in  England.    (F.  R.  Conder)  National,  5  :  547. 

party,  socialistic.    (R.  T.  Ely)  J.  H.  Univ.  Studies,  3  :  276. 

contract,  system  in  N.  Y.  State.    Nation,  40 : 194. 

• statistics  of  Mass.    Science,  6  : 389. 

Laborers.    Workingmen's  college,  London.    (E.  E.  Hale)  Allan.,  8 :  30. 

factory.    (A.  Woodbury)  Chr.  Exam.,  59  :  354. 

in  cities  and  towns.    Fraser,  9  :  72. 

of  Europe.    Penny  M.,  1 :  142,  329  ;  2 :  3,  485  ;  3  :  90,  106. 

Power  of.    (J.  C.  Cox)  Fortn.,  22 :  120. 

Tenements  of,  in  England.    Penny  M.,  11 :  437. 

and  the  vote.    (J.  Arch  ;  G.  Potter)  19th  Cent.,  3 :  48. 

Condition  of.    Chr.  Rem.,  16  :  315.    Colburn,  38 :  46. 

Cottages  of.    (T.  James)  Quar.,  107  :  207. 

Economy  of  educated.    Chamb.  J..  6 :  307. 

Laborer  and  his  hire.    Chamb.  J.,  29  :  6. 

and  the  statesman.    (E.  P.  Rowsell)  Colburn,  106  :  449. 

Laborer's  daily  life.    (R.  Jeffries)  Fraser,  90 :  654. 

home.    (M.  Gillies)  Howitt,  1 :  61. 

leisure.    (K.  Cook)  Dub.  Univ.,  90 : 174. 

Laborers,  what  rights  have  they  ?    (W.  A.  Croffut,  F.  L.  Post)  Forum,  1 : 294. 
—  what  they  want.    (F.  S.  Stevenson)  Fortn.,  45  :  635. 

and  the  laud.    Brit.  Q.  R.,  as  :  257. 

Laboring  classes,  state  of.    Fraser,  2  :  572. 

vs.  machinery.    (F.  Arago)  Ed.  New  Philos.  J.,  27  :  297. 

of  Sheffield.    Westm.,  40 :  460. 

- —  Promotion  of  knowledge  among.    Ed.  R.,  41 :  96.    Selec.  Ed.  R.,  3 :  401. 

Rights  and  duties  of.    De  Bow,  22  :  486. 

Sanitary  condition  of.    Quar.,  71 :  417. 

of  England,  dwellings  and  food  of.    Chr.  Rem.,  50 :  15. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  SUBJECTS.  261 

Laboring  classes  of  England,  future  of.    (A.  J.  H.  Crespie)  Colburn,  153  :  58. 
of  England  ;  John  Smith's  shanty.    (R.  Jeffries)  Fraser,  89  :  135. 

—  of  England,  Nadaud  on.    (C.  E.  Maurice)  Contemp.,  21 :  111. 
in  Europe  (E.  Washburn)  No.  Am.,  41 :  348. 

—  hi  the  U.  S.    (R.  Coningsby)  Liv.  Age,  102 :  763,  815. 

—  legislation  for.    Ed.  R.,  83  :  64. 

—  of  England,  condition  of.    (C.  E.  Norton)  No.  Am.,  109 :  122. 
free  trade  and.    Blackw.,  27  :  553, 

—  Health  of.    Quar.  R.,  71 :  417. 

—  Hand-loom  inquiry.    (W.  Willis)  Westm.,  36 :  87.    Brit,  and  For.  R.,  13 :  111. 

—  Improvement  of.    Dub.  Univ.,  55 :  617.    Penny  M.,  6 :  318. 

—  Discontent  of.    Blackw.,  43  :  421. 
Dorsetshire  laborers.    Westm.,  21 :  52. 

—  Education  of.    (T.  Parker)  Am.  Inst.  of  Instruc.,  1841 :  65. 

—  Elevation  of.    Dem.  R.,  7 :  529  ;  8 :  51.    (J.  H.  Morrison)  Mo.  Rel.  M.,  46  :  214. 

Brit.  Q.,  3  :  358,  420. 
and  the  chivalry.    Bost.  Q.,  4 :  183. 

—  Causes  for  complaint  of.    O.  and  N.,  6 :  572. 

—  The  church  and.    Am.  Church  R.,  24  :  1.    (C.  Kingsley)  Mo.  Rel.  M. ,  9  :  60. 

—  Condition  of.    Westm.,  18 :  380. 

— .  (W.  E.  Hickson)  Westm.,  34 :  383 ;  37 :  216.  (W.  R.  Greg)  Westm.,  38 :  391 ; 
40 :  460.  Meth.  Q.,  1 :  92.  Blackw.,  27  :  90.  New  York  R.,  7 :  514.  Fraser, 
30 :  624  Quar.,  41 :  .359  ;  46 :  346.  (T.  Wright)  Contemp.,  19 :  82.  Mo.  R., 
126  :  507.  Mus.,  9  :  231. 

Laboring  classes  and  radicalism.    (W.  H.  Mallock)  National,  2 : 129. 

of  England,  condition  of.    (C.  S.  Walker)  New  Eng.,  41 : 695. 

Laboring  poor  of  London.    All  the  year,  17 :  414. 

of  England.    Temp.  Bar,  7 :  55. 

Spiritual  problem  in  manufacturing  towns.    (W.  W.  Adams)  And.  R.,  5  : 117,  341. 

Wages  and  Christianity.    (O.  A.  Kingsbury)  New  Eng.,  n.  s.,  41 : 548. 

Working  classes.    (P.  Greg)  National,  1 :  701. 

Progress  of,  in  last  half -century.    (R.  Giffen)  Pop  Sci.  Mo.,  25 : 22. 

English  condition  and  prospects  of.    (I.  G.  Hutchinson)  19th  Cent.,  16 : 630. 

Working-class  insurance.    Westm.,  117 : 88. 

Workingmen  and  the  churches.    Nation,  40 : 416. 

Workingmen,  grievances  of.   (W.  G.  Moody  and  J.  L.  Laughlin)  No.  Am.,  138 : 502. 

ARTICLES  IN  REVUE  DBS  DEUX  MONDES. 

Du  sort  des  classes  laborieuses.    (A.  Cochut)  1  oct.  1842. 

Du  travail  et  des  classes  laborieuses  dans  1'ancient  France.    (Ch.  Louandre)  1  de- 

cem.  1850. 
De  1'agitation  mdustrielle  et  de  Torganisation  du  travail.    (A.  Audiganne)  1  mars 

1846. 
Question  des  travailleurs,  Tamglioration  du  sort  des  ouvriers,  Torganisation  du 

travail.    (Michel  Chevalier)  15  mars  1848. 
Les  ouvriers.    (J.-J.  Baude)  1  mai  1848. 
Des  travailleurs  dans  nos  grandes  villes.    (Mai.  Bugeaud)  1  juin  1848. 

Les  socialistes  et  le  travail  en  commun.    15  jul.  1848. 

Lettres  sur  Torganisation  du  travail,  par  M.  Chevalier.    (Anonyme)  1  aoflt  1848. 
Histoire  de  1'idee  du  travail.    (Saint-Marc  Giradin)  15  aout  1848. 
Les  ouvriers  europeens,  par  M.  Le  Play.    (L.  de  Lavergne)  1  fev.  1856. 
Le  travail  organist  et  le  travail  libre.    (Jules  Simon)  1  sept.  1859. 


262  STUDIES  IX  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

L'ficonomie  politique  et  le  travail.    (C.  Lavollee)  1  fev,  1867. 

L'Sconomie  politique  et  la  politique  des  ouvriers.    (L.  Reybaud)  premiere  partie, 

1  novem.  1866.    II.  Du  patronage  dans  Tindustrie,  1  avril  1867. 
Le  role  de  la  bourgeoisie  dans  la  production.    (Paul  Leroy-Beaulieu)  15  jul.  1870. 

Les  aspirations  des  ouvriers.    1  jul.  1875. 
La  crise  economique.    (Maurice  Block)  15  mars  1879. 

ARTICLES  IN  DEUTSCHE  RUNDSCHAU. 

Die  Krise  in  "Welthandel  und  Weltindustrie.    (Neumann-Spallart.)    10,  419. 

Die  Arbeiterbewegung  in  Berlin.    (F.  Holzerland.)   52,  95. 

Die  Bedeutung  der  Latifundienwirthschaft,  insbesondere  f iir  Deutschland.    (Von 

der  Goltz.)    Deutsche  Revue,  vi,  3,  7  ff. 
Zur  Arbeiterfrage.    (H.  von  Pflugk-Harttung.)    ix,  4,  3C2. 


Das  Recht  auf  Arbeit.    (H.  von  Scheel.)    Unsere  Zeit,  1885,  2 :  89. 

Die  Arbeiterfrage  sonst  und  jetzt.    (F.  W.  Stahl)  Deutsche  Zeit-  und  Streit-Fragen. 

Jahrg.  1,  Heft  6,  1872. 
Die  Selbsthiilfe  des  Arbeiterstandes  als  Grundlage   seiner  Versicherung.    (E. 

Hirschberg)  Deutsche  Zeit-  und  Streit-Fragen.    Jahrg.  12,  Heft  189,  1883. 
Die  Arbeiterfrage  in  Kaufmannstande.    (Beuchner,  Carl.)    Deutsche  Zeit-  und 

Streit-Fragen.    Jahrg.  12.    Heft  181. 


TRADES-UNIONS. 

Brentano,  Lujo.    Origin  of  trades-unions.    On  the  history  and  development  of 

guilds.    London,  1870. 
Die  Arbeiter-Gilden  der  Gegenwart.    ISTl-VS. 

Brownson,  O.  A.    Labor  and  association.    (In  his  works,  v.  10,  1884.) 

Carlyle,  Thomas.  Last  words  on  trades-unions,  promoterism,  and  the  signs  of 
the  times.  Edinb.,  1882. 

Cobden  club  essays.    2d  ser.,  1871-172.    London,  1872. 

Cumming-Bruce,  Baron  Thurlow.  Trades-unions  abroad  and  hints  for  home 
legislation.  London,  1870. 

Englaender,  Sigismund.  Geschichte  der  franzosischen  Arbeiter-Associationen. 
Hamburg,  1864. 

Great  Britain.  Parliamentary  sessional  papers.  Reports  of  commissioners  ap- 
pointed to  inquire  into  the  organization  and  rules  of  trades-unions,  etc. 
House  of  Commons  ;  1867,  xxxii,  1  ;  1867-'68,  xxxix,  1 ;  1868-'69,  xxxi,  235, 
363. 

Greg,  W.  R.    Intrinsic  vice  of  trades-unions.    (In  his  political  problems,  1870.) 

Gross,  Charles.    Gilda  mercatoria.  Gottingen,  1883. 

Grosvenor,  William  Mason.  Trades-unions  investigated  in  the  light  of  common 
sense.  N.  Y.,  1885. 

Honeyman,  John.  Trades-unions,  the  blight  on  British  industries  and  com- 
merce. Glasgow,  1877. 

Howell,  George.  The  conflict  of  capital  and  labor  ;  a  history  and  review  of  the 
trades-unions  of  Great  Britain.  London,  1878. 

Jevons,  W.  S.    Trades  societies  ;   then-  objects  and  policy.    (In  his  methods. 


Jones,  Lloyd.    Trades-unions  ;  two  lectures.    London,  1877. 
Lexis,  W.    Gewerkvereine  und  Unternehmerverbande  in  Frankreich.    Ein  Bel- 
trag  zur  Kenntniss  der  socialen  Bewegung.    Leipzig,  1879. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY   OF   SUBJECTS.  263 

laishington,  G.  Workingmen  and  trades-unions.  (In  questions  for  a  reformed 
Parliament.  1867.) 

National  association  for  the  promotion  of  social  science.  Trades  societies  and 
strikes  ;  report  of  the  committee.  London,  1860. 

Orleans,  d',  L.  P.  A.,  Compte  de  Paris.  The  trades-unions  in  England.  Lon- 
don, 1869. 

Schanz,  Georg.    Zur  Geschichte  der  deutschen  Gesellen-VerbSnde.  Leipzig,  1877. 

Somers,  Robert.  The  trades-unions  ;  an  appeal  to  the  working  classes  and  their 
friends.  Edin.,  1876. 

Stirling,  J.  Mr.  Mill  on  trades-unions  ;  a  criticism.  (In  Grant,  Sir  A.  Recess 
Studies,  1870.) 

Thornton,  W.  T.  On  labor.  (Chapters  on  trades-unions,  pp.  187-360.)  Lon- 
don, 1868. 

Thurlow,  T.  J.  H.  Trades-unions  abroad  and  movements  for  home  legislation. 
London,  1870. 

Trade-guilds  of  Europe.    Wash.,  1885. 

Trant,  William.  Trades-unions ;  their  origin  and  objects,  influence  and  effi- 
cacy. London,  1884. 

Walterhausen,  S.  von.    Die  Nord-Amerikanischen  Gewerkschaften. 

PERIODICAL  LITERATURE. 

Labor  organizations  ;  guilds.    (M.  B.  Willard)  Lakeside,  8 : 121. 

—  organization  of.    (R.  J.  Hinton)  Atlan.,  27 : 544.    (S.  Newcomb)  Princ.  n.  s., 

5:393;   6:231.    (L.  Blanc)  Hogg,  1:356.     (L.  Blanc)  Howitt,  3:258.    (T. 

Hunt)  Peop.  J.,  1 : 13.    (J.  Bowme)  Peop.  J.,  1 : 41.    O.  and  N.,  9 : 311. 

association  and  trades-unions.    Ed.  R.,  130 : 390.    Chamb.  J.,  8 : 344. 

associations,  functions  of.    (W.  B.  Weeden)  Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  8 : 586. 

Les  trades-unions  et  1'association  Internationale  des  travailleurs.    (Paul  Leroy- 

Beaulieu)  Rev.  des  Deux  Mondes,  15  avril  1870. 

Les  socifites  ouvrieres.    (C.  Lavolle'e)  Rev.  des  Deux  Mondes,  15  fev.  1884. 
Society  of  carpenters.    (E.  S.  Beesly)  Fortn.,  7 : 319. 
Trades-union,  a  prosperous.    Chamb.  J.,  41 : 218. 

—  Ed.  R.,  110:525.    Quar.,  123:351.    No.  Brit,  48 : 1.    (G.  Howell)  Contemp., 

30 : 833,   (G.  Howell)  Fraser,  99  : 22.    (R.  J.  Hinton)  O.  and  N.,  11  :  69  ;  Brit. 

Q.,   46 : 505.     New   York   R.,   2  :  5.     Blackw.,    35  : 331  ;   43  :  281  ;    102  :  487  ; 

107  :  554,  744.    Colburn,  41 : 207.    Tait,  4  :  389.    Tail,  n.  s.,  1 : 278.    St.  Paul's, 

4:217.    (M.  B.  Willard)  Lakeside,  8  : 185.    Mo.  R.,  133  :532. 

and  the  government.    Colburn,  39 :  475. 

and  the  social  science  association.    (J.  M.  Ludlow)  Macmil.,  3  : 313,  362. 

and  strikes.    Ed.  R.,  59:341;   67:209.    Brit.  Q.,  19:160;  56:145.    Blackw., 

101 : 718.    (S.  B.  Hunt)  Hours  at  Home,  9 : 485. 

striki  s  and  co-operation.    (T.  Hughes)  Macmil.,  13 : 75. 

Congress,  address  before.    (J.  Morley)  Fortn.,  80 : 547. 

commission.    (E.  S.  Beesly)  Fortn.,  8:1. 

commission,  report  of,  1869.    St.  James,  24  :  257. 

Trades-unions,  origin  of.    (W.  T.  Thornton)  Fortn..  8 : 688. 

—  policy  of.    No.  Brit.,  46  : 1. 

ways  and  means  of.    (W.  T.  Thornton)  Fortn.,  9 :  437,  520. 

English.    Ed.  R.,  126:415.    (G.  Potter)  Contemp.,  14:404.    (J.  H.  A.  Bone) 

Atlant.,  39  :  278.    (F.  Stephen)  Nation,  5  :  93. 

English,  Comte  de  Paris  on.    O.  and  N.,  1 : 555. 

genealogy  of.    (F.  B.  Perkins)  O.  and  N.,  3  : 210. 


264  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

Trades-unions,  growth  of.    No.  Brit.,  53  :  59. 

strikes  and  lockouts.    (S.  Fothergill)Contemp.,  17 : 107.   (G.  Potter)  Contemp., 

17 : 525. 

and  their  remedy.    Chamb.  J.,  44  : 180. 

bill  on.    (F.  Harrison)  Fortn.,  12 : 30. 

—  despotism  of  the  future.    Quar.,  136  : 179. 

—  ethics  of.    St.  Paul's,  1 : 47. 

—  in  France,  law  of.    (F.  D.  Lange)  Fortn.,  8  :  210,  296. 

—  intimidation  and  picketing  by.    (G.  Howell)  Contemp.,  30 : 598. 

—  objects  and  necessity  of.    (E.  S.  Beesly)  Westm.,  76 : 510. 

—  of  capitalists.    Pract.  M.,  3 : 50. 
Trades-unionism,  ends  of.    (W.  T.  Thornton)  Fortn.,  9  :  77. 

—  good  and  evil  of.    (F.  Harrison)  Fortn.,  9  : 77. 

—  in  India.    (W.  Trant)  Fortn.,  32  :  261. 

Trade  brotherhoods,  past  and  present.    (W.  Seton)  Cath.  R.,  43  : 304. 
Trades-unionism  in  England.    (T.  Hughes)  Cent.,  28  : 127. 
Trades-unions,  financial  condition  of.    (G.  Howell)  19th  Cent.,  12  : 481. 


INDUSTRIAL  CO-OPERATION  AND  PROFIT-SHARING. 

[See  especially  the  list  of  publications  of  the  Central  Co-operative  Board,  E. 

Vansittart  Neale,  Secretary,  Manchester,  England.] 

Bulletin  de  la  participation  aux  benefices.  Publie  par  la  society  formee  pour  fa- 
ciliter  l'6tude  pratique  des  diverses  mfithodes  de  participation  du  personnel 
dans  les  benefices  de  Penterprise.  7me  annge.  Part  Ire,  Paris,  1885. 

Oodln.  Mutuality  sociale  et  association  du  capital  et  travail,  ou  extinction  du 
pauperisme  par  la  consecration  du  droit  naturel  des  faibles  au  ngcessaire, 
et  du  droit  des  travailleurs  &  participer  aux  benefices  de  la  production. 

Jahresbericht  fiir  1883,  iiber  die  auf  Selbsthulfe  gegriindeten  deutschen  Erwerbs- 
und  Wirthschafts-Genossenschaften.  Von  F.  Schenck,  An  wait  des  allge- 
meinen  deutschen  Genossenschafts-Verbandes.  Leipzig,  1884. 

Kabbeno,  Ugo.  La  co-operazione  in  Inghilterra.  Saggio  di  sociologia  econo- 
mica.  Milano,  1885. 

Ackland,  Arthur  H.  D.,  and  Jones,  Benj.  Workingmen  co-operators.  London, 
1884. 

A.  M.    Co-operation  in  land  tillage.    London,  1881. 

Baudrillart,  Henri  J.  L.    Le  salariat  et  Tassociation.    Paris,  1867. 

Barnard,  Charles.    Co-operation  as  a  business.    N.  Y.,  1881. 

Hoi  ton,  Sarah  K.     Social  studies  in  England.    Boston,  18S6. 

Bontemps,  G.  Extinction  du  pauperisme  par  Tassociation  du  capital  et  du  tra- 
vail. 

Brisbane,  Albert.  Association  and  reorganization  of  industry.  Phila.,  1840.  A 
concise  exposition  of  the  doctrine  of  association.  N.  Y.,  1843. 

Burton,  Hazen  J.,  Jr.,  and  George,  S.    Distributive  co-operation.    Boston,  1875. 

Chamberlin,  E.  M.    Sovereigns  of  industry.    Boston. 

Combe,  Abram.  The  sphere  for  joint-stock  companies,  with  act  of  establish- 
ment at  Orbiston  in  Lanarkshire.  Edin.,  1825. 

Congres  scientific  international  des  institutions  de  prevoyance.    Paris,  1881. 

l>orge,  Eugene.  Etudes  sociales.  La  famille,  la  charite  et  la  prevoyance.  Paris, 
1876. 

Duval,  J.    Les  soci6t4s  cooperatives  de  consumption  et  le  production.    2  vols. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  SUBJECTS.  265 

Gautier  (de  Dol)  Toussaint.    Dictionnaire  des  confreries  et  corporations  d'arts 

et  metiers.    Paris,  1854. 

Herbert,  William.  A  visit  to  the  colony  of  Harmony,  in  Indiana.    London,  1825. 
Holyoake,  G.  J.    History  of  co-operation  in  England,  vol.  i.    London,  1875. 

Vol.  ii.    London,  1879. 
Hubert- Vallerome,  Paul.    Les  associations  cooperatives  en  France  et  &  Petran- 

ger.    Paris,  1884. 

Leavitt,  L.    Peacemaker  Grange  :  or  co-operative  living  and  working.    1881. 
Owen,  Robert.    Pveport  of  public  meeting  in  Dublin,  with  statement  of  opinions 

and  arrangements  at  New  Lanark.    Dublin,  1823. 

Pierce,  Melusina  Fay.    Co-operative  housekeeping.    A  study  in  sociology.    Bos- 
ton, 1884. 
Quincy,  Josiah.    A  plea  for  the  incorporation  of  co-operative  loan  and  building 

associations.    Boston,  1875. 

Klchter,  E.  Co-operative  stores  ;  history,  organization,  and  management.  N.  Y. 
Robert,  Charles  F.    Le  partage  des  fruits  du  travail.    Paris,  1873. 
Koulllet,  Antony.    Des  associations  cooperatives  de  consommation.    Paris,  1876. 
Schaeffle,  A.  E.  F.   Das  gesellschaftliche  System  der  menschlichen  Wirthschaft. 

Tubingen,  1873. 

Stubbs,  Charles  W.    The  land  and  the  laborers.    London,  1884. 
Taylor,  Sedley.    Profit-sharing  between  capital  and  labor.    London,  1884. 
Thornton,  W.  T.    On  labor.    Chapters  on  co-operation  and  profit-sharing,  pp. 

363-459  ;  pp.  469-499.    London,  1868. 

Villermfi,  Louis  R.    Des  associations  ouvrieres.    Paris,  1849. 
Wright,  C.  D.    Manual  of  distributive  co-operation.    Boston,  1885. 

PERIODICAL  LITERATURE. 

Co-operation,  industrial,   Leclaire's  system  of.    (S.  Taylor)  19th  Cent.,  8 : 370 ; 
9:802. 

—  industrial,  its  rise  and  progress  in  England.    Westm.,  81 : 857. 

—  Plate-locks  and  Paisley  shawls.    (C.  Barnard)  Scrib.,  14 : 370. 

—  position  and  prospects  of.    (H.  Fawcett)  Fortn.,  21 : 190. 

—  progress  of.    Chamb.  J.,  29 : 70.    Good  Words,  5 :  660. 

—  wages  against.    (E.  L.  Godkin)  Nation,  5 :  111. 

—  in  the  slate-quarries  of  North  Wales.    (J.  E.  Cairnes)  Macmil.,  11 : 181. 

—  industrial.    Chr.  Rem.,  27 : 457.    Ev.  Sat.,  11 : 578.    Penny  M.,  1 : 327.    Am. 

Arch.,  8 : 54.    St.  James,  22 : 719.    (F.  Harrison)  Fortn.,  3  : 477.    (G.  J.  Holy- 
oake), 19th  Cent.,  4  :  494. 
industrial,  forms  of.    (J.  M.  Ludlow)  Good  Words,  8 : 240. 

—  (A.  H.  Clough)  No.  Am.,  77  : 106.    (R.  J.  Hinton)  O.  and  N.,  11 : 69.    (Marquis 

of  Ripon)  Month.,  36 : 369.    Chamb.  J.,  81 : 190.     Hunt,  58 : 249.    Victoria, 
11:50,147. 

—  and  competition.    Victoria,  8 : 215. 

—  experiments  in.    (C.  Barnard)  Scrib.,  12 : 99,  242. 

—  In  England.    (G.  lies)  Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  17 : 742.    (J.  Samuelson)  Am.  J.  Soc.  Sci., 

11 : 118. 

—  or  spoliation.    Westm.,  121 :  305. 

—  future  of  industrial.    (C.  Waring)  Fortn.,  42 : 609. 

—  atOldham.    Spec.,  58 : 669. 

—  industrial.    Westm.,  124  :  309. 

Co-operative  stores  ;  shopkeepers'  rejoinder.    (T.  Lord)  19th  Cent.,  5 :  733. 

—  trading.    Chamb.  J.,  19 :  843. 

12 


266  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

Co-operative  trouble,  beginning  of.    (G.  J.  Holyoake)  Contemp.,  26 :  269. 

societies,  visit  to.    Chamb.  J.,  32  :  305. 

stores.  (E.  L.  Godkin)  No.  Am.,  106 :  150.  Chamb.  J.,  14 :  346  ;  51 :  7.  Corah., 

28:835. 

stores,  common  sense  and.    (W.  L.  Blackley)  Contemp.,  34 :  553. 

stores  ;  reply  to  the  shopkeepers.    (J.  H.  Lawson)  19th  Cent.,  5  :  362. 

societies  in  England.    (J.  Plummer)  Once  a  Week,  7,:  554. 

societies  in  Russia.    (E.  Schuyler)  Nation,  7 :  287. 

societies,  notes  on.    Bank.  M.  (N.  Y.),  24  :  689. 

societies,  trading  and  burial,  and  post-office  insurance.  (A.  J.  Wilson)  Fraser, 

90:  541. 

.    Republic,  4  :  289. 

—  societies.    (H.  Fawcett)  Macmil.,  2 :  434.    (W.  P.  Garrison)  Nation,  2  :  360. 

(E.  W.  Brabrook)  J.  Statis.  Soc.,  38  :  185.    (M.  Rowland)  Galaxy,  3 :  197.    O. 

and  N.,  1 :  701.    Quar.,  114 :  418. 
. —  societies,  German.    (B.  S.  Blyth)  Once  a  Week,  10  :  457. 

societies  in  1864.    Ed.  R. ,  120  :  407. 

housekeeping,  practical  side  of.    (R.  Fisher)  19th  Cent.,  2 :  283. 

land  movement.    (E.  W.  Brabrook)  J.  Statis.  Soc.,  37  :  337. 

life  in  America.    (H.  Greeley)  Peop.  J.,  4  :  167. 

production.    (T.  Brassey)  Contemp.,  24  :  212. 

credit  unions,  German.    (R.  T.  Ely)  Atlan.,  47  :  207. 

distribution.    (W.  A.  Hovey)  Am.  J.  Soc.  Sci.,  11 :  106. 

flour-mill  at  Leeds.    Chamb.  J.,  22 :  401. 

housekeeping.    Chamb.  J.,  46 :  177. 

apartment-houses.    Am.  Arch.,  9  :  88. 

—  associations.    (W.  Howitt)  Peop.  J.,  1 :  311. 
building.    O.  and  N.,  5  :  505. 

feature  of  building  associations.    (E.  Wrigley)  Penn  Mo.,  7 :  497. 

community.    Chamb.  J.,  53  :  600. 

agricultural  societies.    Chamb.  J..  46  :  97. 

—  agriculture.    (A.  Church)  Contemp.,  16 :  71. 

agriculture,  three  experiments  in.    Fraser,  91  :  529. 

agriculture,  at  Ralahine.    (W.  P.  Garrison)  Nation,  12 :  341. 

agriculture,  Lawson's.    (G.  E.  Waring,  Jr.)  Nation,  20 :  245. 

Co-operative  stores.    Nation,  36  : 7. 

De  la  concurrence  et  du  principe  du  association.  (J.  A.  Blanquin)  Inst.  de  France, 
Acad.  Sci.  Moral,  compte  rendu,  1846,  v.  1,  p.  407. 

Die  catholischen  Gesellvereine  in  Deutschland.  (Paul  Dehu)  Deutsche  Zeit-  und 
Streit-Fragen.  Jahrg.  11,  Heft  170,  1882. 

Des  associations  ouvriers.  (L.  R.  Villerme)  Inst.  de  France,  Acad.  Sci.  Moral. 
Mem.,  2  s.  v.  7,  1850,  p.  485. 

Le  mouvement  cooperatif  et  la  loi  franchise.  (A.  D'Indy)  Correspondant,  v.  73, 
1868,  p.  632. 

Labor  and  capital  and  industrial  partnerships.    Westm.,  92 :  80. 

Scottish  loaf  factory.    (C.  Barnard)  Scrib.,  13  : 60. 

Sur  les  associations  entre  ouvriers  ou  entre  patrons  et  ouvriers.  (M.  R.  L.  Rey- 
baud)  Inst.  de  France,  Acad.  Sci.  Moral.  Mem.,  2  s.  v.  9,  1855,  p.  809. 

Rochdale,  co-operative  society.  All  the  Year,  19  : 274.  New  Eng.,  38  :  325.  Fra- 
ser, 61 :  861. 

visit  to,  Lav.  Age,  64  : 190. 

distribution.    (.R.  H.  Newton)  No.  Am.,  137  : 327. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  SUBJECTS.  267 

Rochdale  shirt-making,  eight  years  of.    (E.  Simcox)  19th  Cent.,  15 : 1037. 

Toad  Lane,  Rochdale,  England.    (C.  Barnard)  Scrib.,  13  : 203. 

Une  soci6t6  cooperatif  ouvriers  dans  les  montagnes  du  Bugey.    (A.  Audiganne) 

Correspondant,  v.  68,  1866,  p.  27. 
Village  improvement  associations.    (G.  E.  Waring,  Jr.)  Scrib.,  14  : 97. 

ARTICLES  IN  REVUE  DES  DEUX  MONDES. 

Les  socie'te's  cooperatives  en  France  et  en  Angleterre.    (Jules  Simon)  1  Jan.  1866. 

Les  associations  ouvrieres,  la  cooperation.    (C.  Lavollfie)  1  avril  1866. 

Les  systfimes  d'association  et  la  participation  aux  b6n6fices.    (Paul  Leroy-Beau- 

lieu)  15  mai  1870. 

La  familistere  de  Guise  et  son  historian,  M.  Godin.    (L.  Reybaud)  15  fev.  1872. 
La  cooperation  et  la  participation  aux  benefices,  la  charit6.    (Le  comte  d'Haus- 

sonville)  15  decem.  1885. 

INDUSTRIAL  CONCILIATION  AND  ARBITRATION. 

Crompton,  Henry.    Industrial  conciliation.    London,  1876. 

Kettle,  Rupert.    Strikes  and  arbitrations.    London,  1866. 

Memorandum  forwarded  from  the  board  of  trade  to  the  home  department,  re- 
specting conseils  des  Prud'hommes  in  France  and  Belgium.  House  of  Com- 
mons. 1854-'55.  (526)  L.  371. 

Speeches  of  Hons.  Martin  A.  Foran,  of  Ohio ;  N.  J.  Hammond,  of  Georgia  ;  J.  W. 
Daniel,  of  Virginia ;  W.  C.  P.  Breckenridge,  of  Kentucky  ;  A.  S.  Hewitt,  of 
New  York  ;  and  J.  H.  Rogers,  of  Arkansas,  on  "  Labor  Arbitration,"  com- 
bined in  one  pamphlet. 

PERIODICAL  LITERATURE. 

Arbitration.    Nation,  40 : 377. 

—  and  boards  of  conciliation.    (Eckley  B.  Obxe)  Penn  Mo.,  2 : 109. 

—  between  capital  and  labor.    Pract.  M.,  5  : 119. 

—  Strikes  and  lockouts.    (G.  M.  Powell)  Cent.,  31 : 946, 
and  strikes.    (T.  V.  Powderly)  No.  Am.,  142 : 502. 

—  in  labor  disputes.    (T.  M.  Cooley)  Forum,  1 : 369. 

Conseils  des  Prud'hommes.    (W.  H.  S.  Aubrey)  Contemp.,  43 : 528. 


INDUSTRIAL  EDUCATION. 

Bollman,  Lewis.    The  industrial  colleges.    Wash.,  1884. 

Brace,  Charles  L.    Address  on  industrial  schools.    N.  Y.,  1868. 

Clark,  John  S.  Industrial  education  a  necessary  part  of  public  education.  Bos- 
ton, 1883. 

Gallaudet,  Peter  W.  A  system  of  education  on  the  principle  of  connecting 
science  with  useful  labor.  Wash.,  1838. 

Ham,  C.  H.    Manual  training.    N.  Y.,  1886. 

Lammers,  A.  Hand-Bildung  und  Hausfleiss.  Berlin,  1881.  (Deutsche  Zeit-  und 
Streit-Fragen.  Jahrg.  10.) 

Mac  Arthur,  Arthur.  Education  in  its  relation  to  manual  industry.  N.  Y., 
1884. 

Paris  Universal  Exposition.  Report  of  U.  S.  Commissioners.  Vol.  II,  page  181, 
Washington,  1880. 


268  STUDIES  IN  MODERN  SOCIALISM. 

Playfair,  Lyon.    Industrial  education.    Phlla.,  1852. 

Kunkle,  John  D.  The  manual  element  in  education.  41st  an.  rep.  Mass,  board 
of  education.  Boston,  1877. 

Wiseman,  N.  P.  S.,  Cardinal.  The  identification  of  the  artisan  and  the  artist. 
With  essay  on  Froebel's  reform  of  primary  education.  By  Eliza  P.  Pea- 
body.  Boston,  1869. 

PERIODICAL  LITERATURE. 

Industrial  education.  (J.  Hayes)  Overland,  12 : 338.  (J.  S.  Clarke)  J.  Frankl. 
Inst.,  112:218.  Brit.  Q.,  16:133.  No.  Brit.,  24 : 1.  (S.  P.  Thompson)  Con- 
temp.,  38  : 472.  Same  art.,  Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  18 : 26,  202.  Dub.  Univ.,  42 : 295. 
Penn  Mo.,  6 : 414.  Unita.  R.,  1 : 263  ;  2 : 191. 

Industrial  schools.  (W.  B.  McMurrich)  Canad.  Mo.,  2  : 424.  Peop.  J.,  2 : 192  ; 
213  :  262  ;  3  : 86.  (J.  Williams)  O.  and  N.,  7  :  624.  De  Bow,  18  : 265. 

for  girls,  Lancaster,  Mass.    Am.  J.  Educ.,  16 : 652. 

for  poor  children.    Fraser,  40 : 437. 

Italian.    Victoria,  11 :  481. 

plan  of.    (W.  Petty)  Am.  J.  Educ.,  22 : 199. 

London,  1647.    (W.  Petty)  Am.  J.  Educ.,  11 : 197. 

Education  of  industrial  classes.    (J.  N.  Lockyer)  Nature,  27 : 248. 

Technical  education  in  Europe.    Science,  3 : 789. 

Workingman's  school,  N.  Y.    (F.  H.  North)  Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  26  : 632. 

Industrial  training  of  destitute  children.    (S.  Smith)  Education,  6 : 130. 

Handwork  for  children.    (Mrs.  Jebb)  19th  Cent.,  12 : 602. 

Relations  of  science  to  the  public  weal.    (Lyon  Playfair)  Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  28 : 37, 236. 

Manual  training.    (C.  H.  Ham)  Harper's,  72  : 404. 


INDEX. 


Adulteration  of  goods,  180. 
Anarchist    and   labor -socialist  con- 
trasted, 49. 
his  platform,  45. 
on  revolution,  54,  60. 
on  the  State,  47. 
specimen  utterances,  59-61. 
wants  revolution,  not  amelioration, 

69. 

Arbitration,  124. 
Aristocracy  as  defined  by  socialists, 

32. 
Ashton,  John  W.,  quoted  on  pioneers 

of  co-operation,  131;  note. 
Association,  right  of,  in  Rome  and 

Greece,  110. 
Atkinson,  Edward,  quoted,  12. 

Babbage,  Charles,  suggestion  of  profit- 
sharing,  154. 

Babceuf,  on  property,  22. 

Bakunin,  Michel,  26. 

Bible,  the,  and  the  workman,  209. 

Blackie,  John  Stuart,  quoted,  9. 

Blanqui,  Auguste,  26. 

Bohmert,  Victor,  on  profit-sharing, 
157. 

Bourgeoisie,  as  defined  by  socialists, 
32. 

Boycott,  the,  122,  and  note. 

Brassey,  Sir  Thomas,  as  a  captain  of 
industry,  153. 

Brissot  on  property,  22. 

Capital,  as  defined  by  socialist.,  32. 

dead,  170. 

Marx  on  creation  of,  76 ;  criticised, 
77. 

organization  of,  hopefulness  of,  224. 

true  theory  of,  77. 

Capital  and  labor,  allies  or  enemies? 
12. 

antagonism  of,  moral  basis  of,  182. 

relation  of,  143. 

relation  of,  illustrated,  77. 

Siamese  twins  I  36. 


Captain  of  industry,  a  creator  of  value, 
146. 

a  modern  product,  143, 145. 

aud  Christianity,  210. 

Carlyle  on,  159,  160. 

duty  to  recognize   trades  -  unions, 
149. 

to  succeed,  151. 

to  pay  good  wages,  151. 

to  furnish  best  conditions  of  work, 
152. 

Guyot  on,  147. 

his  rarity,  146. 

mental  endowments  of,  137, 145. 

not  identical  with  capitalists,  143. 

rewarded  by  profits,  146, 147. 

responsibility  in  present  crisis,  232, 

when  dangerous,  221. 
Carlyle,  Thomas,  letter  to  Sir  J.  Whit- 
worth,  153. 

on  captains  of  industry,  159, 160. 

on  English  workmen.  192. 

suggestion  of  profit-sharing,  155. 
Charity  and  justice,  relation  of,  222. 
Children,  "cry  of  tie,"  103. 

in  factories,  102. 
Christ,  the  only  reconciler  of  social 

differences,  18. 
Christianity  and  captains  of  industry, 

and  Darwinism,  Laveleye  on,  211. 
distinguished    from     communism, 

164. 

what  it  does  for  men,  15. 
Church,  the,  a  promoter  of  morality, 

200. 
essential  to  social  progress,  197, 198, 

208. 

its  duty,  280. 
meaning  of,  1 97. 
not  a  class  partisan.  211. 
present  attitude  of,  toward  social 

question,  226. 
responsibility    of,    for    workman's 

alienation,  206. 
teaching  universal  brotherhood,  212. 


270 


INDEX. 


Church,  what  it  ought  to  learn,  207. 

workman's  alienation  from,  200,  et 

seq. 

Cochut,  Andre",  quoted,  94. 
Coleridge,  Samuel  Taylor,  quoted,  35. 
Communism  among  first  Christians, 
20. 

distinguished  from  socialism,  21. 

distinguished     from    Christianity, 
164. 

of  first  Virginia  charter,  21. 

of  early  Pilgrims,  21. 

in  history  01  the  Church,  20,  21. 
Competition,   a   necessary  industrial 

factor,  136   229. 

Conscience  and  wealth,  162, 164. 
Conversation,  morality  in,  186. 
Co-operation,  defined,  129, 130. 

Derby  on,  134. 

Fawcett  on,  134. 

in  industry  of  future,  228. 

in  United  States,  134. 

its  economic  teaching,  136-138. 

moral  results  of,  135. 

Owen's  theory  of,  130. 

§ 'oncers  of,  131;  and  note. 
ochdale  experiment,  131. 
spread  of  principle,  133. 
Crosby,  Howard,  quoted,  101. 
Cry  u  out  of  the  depths,"  215. 

Danger,  from  feudal  spirit  of  employ- 
ers, 220. 

from  workman's  ignorance,  222. 
from  workmr.n's    misjudgment   of 

employer's  motives,  221. 
from  workman's  rashness,  221. 
socialism  a,  from  American  politi- 
cal and  moral  conditions,  64-66. 
Darwinism  and  Christianity,  Lave- 

leye  on,  211. 
Democracy,  era  of,  199. 
era  of,  De  Tocqueville  on,  199. 
in  relation  to  industry,  148. 
Democratic  Socialist  party  in    Ger- 
many, origin  of,  25. 
Derby,  Earl,  on  co-operation,  134. 
Discontent,  prevalence  of,  11. 
Distrust  between  employers  and  em- 
ployed, 185. 

Domestic  system,  contrast  with  fac- 
tory, 82. 

Economic  Association,  American,  227. 

Education  by  the  State,  98. 

Eliot,      George,     "  Silas     Marner " 

o/uoted,  174. 

Ely,  Richard  T.,  quoted,  58,  94. 
Employers   and    employed,   distrust 

between,  185. 
relation  of,  to  morality  of  labor,  193. 


England,  Christian  socialists  in,  25. 
Entrepreneur.   See  CAPTAIN  OF  LNDUS- 


Factory  system,  contrast  with  domes- 
tic, 82. 

Factories,  children  in,  102. 
fines  in,  101. 

Family  relation,  morality  in  the,  188. 

Fawcett,  Henry,  on  co-operation, 
134. 

Feudal  relations  in  industry  extinct, 
148. 

Feucrbach,  his  philosophy,  23. 

Fines  in  factories,  101. 

Footman,  Henry,  quoted,  17. 

France,  socialism  in?  26. 

Fregier,  M.,  suggestion  of  profit-shar- 
ing, 155. 

Gambetta,  M.,  on  the  social  ques- 
tion, 9. 

Gambling,  speculative,  104,  105. 

Gautier,  Emile,  26. 

George,    Henry,   his  "  Progress  and 

Poverty,"  29. 
quoted,  33. 

Germany,  forms  of  socialism  in,  26. 

Giffen,  Robert,  on  progress  of  work- 
ing classes,  83. 

Godkin,  E.  L.,  on  value  of  adminis- 
trative talent,  147,  note. 

Godliness,  defined,  178. 

Gronlund,  Laurence,  his  "  cakes,"  37. 
on  "  Vril"  (dynamite),  62. 

Guilds,  meaning  of,  110 ;  in  middle 
ageSj  110. 

Guyot,  "i  ves,  on  value  of  administra- 
tive talent,  147. 
on  workmen's  ignorance,  159. 

Hegel,  G.  F.,  at  Jena,  19 ;  the  philo- 
sophic "head"  of  socialism,  20. 
philosopher  of  socialism,  23. 

Hood,  Thomas,  "  Song  of  the  Shirt," 
quoted,  33. 

Howell,  George,  on  aim  of  trades- 
unions,  114 ;  against  tyranny  and 
intimidation,  120,  121. 

Hughes,  Thomas,  a  Christian  social- 
ist, 25. 

Ignorance.     See  WORKMEN. 
Individualism,  true  and  false,  88. 
Industrial  organization  of  the  future, 

229. 
Industry,  affected  by  personal  purity, 

187. 

chief  factor  in,  181. 
efifects  of  intemperance  on,  189. 
Injustice,  the  root  of,  186. 


INDEX. 


Intemperance,  a  social  tyrant,  105- 

107. 

effects  of,  on  industry,  189.  • 

International,    America   represented 

in,  27. 

origin  of,  27. 
rupture  of,  28 ;  seat  transferred  to 

New  York,  28. 

International  Working-people's  Asso- 
ciation, what  it  demands,  45. 
Internationalist.    See  ANABCHIST. 

Jena,  battle  of,  and  Hegel,  19. 
Justice  and  charity,  relation  of,  222. 
Jones,  W.  C.,  on  morality  and  labor, 
194. 

Kingsley,  Charles,  a  Christian  social- 
ist, 25. 

"Alton  Locke"  quoted,  34. 

"  Three  Fishers  "  quoted,  25. 
Krapotkine,  Prince,  26. 
Knights  of  Labor,  appeal  to,  125. 

origin  and  membership,  112,  113. 

principles  of,  118, 119. 

Labor,  a  commodity,  in  what  sense, 
114,  and  note. 

Adam  Smith  on,  73. 

and  morality,  194. 

as  social  service,  190-192. 

defined,  73. 

its  own  oppressor.  193. 

Knights  of.   See  KNIGHTS  OF  LABOR. 

one  factor  in  production;  76. 

organization  of,  a  sign  of  hope,  224  ; 
the  right  of,  114,  115;  economic 
teachings  of,  115  ;  difficulties  un- 
der which  it  advances,  116. 

organizations,  moral  results  of,  195. 

redemption  of,  moral  condition  of, 
183. 

the  true  aristocracy,  232. 

Ricardo  on.  74 ;  criticised,  75. 

source  of  all  wealth,  statement  and 

criticism,  73-76. 

Labor  and  capital,  allies  or  enemies? 
12. 

antagonism,  moral  basis  of,  182. 

relation  of,  143. 

relation  of,  illustrated,  77. 

Siamese  twins,  36. 
Labor-check  system,  illustrated,  47. 
Labor  movement  and  socialism  dis- 
criminated, 218. 

Labor  socialist   and    anarchist  con- 
trasted, 49. 

economic  methods  of,  51. 

manifesto  of,  48. 

method  of  exchange,  51. 

method  of  State  administration,  52. 


Labor  socialist,  not  an  architect,  50. 
view  of  revolution,  55,  62. 
view  of  State,  49.        • 
Labor  statistics,  bureaus  of,  227. 
Land,  against  holding,  for  specula- 
tion, 170. 

Langton,  Stephen,  grave  of,  an  illus- 
tration. 16. 
Lassalle,  Ferdinand,  compared  with 

Marx,  24. 

on  iron  law  of  wages,  40. 
summary  of  life  of,  24. 
Law,  iron,  of  wages.  Lassalle  on,  40. 
of  rent,  stated,  and  socialist  view  of, 

40. 

Lawyers,  socialist  view  of,  38. 
Laveleye,  Emile  de,  on  origin  of  In- 
ternational, 27. 

on  Darwinism  and  Christianity,  211. 
quoted,  11,  13. 

Leclaire,   M.,   experiment   in  profit- 
sharing,  155. 
Legislation,  class,  99. 
Lowell,  James  Russell,  "  The  Present 

Crisis"  quoted,  216. 
Luxury,  on,  171 ;  Laveleye  on,  172. 

Macaulay,  Lord,  letter  to  an  Ameri 

can,  9. 

Martineau,  James,  quoted,  196. 
Marx,  Karl,  compared  with  Lassalle, 

24. 
on  creation  of  capital,  76  ;  criticised, 

77. 

on  head  and  heart  of  "  emancipa- 
tion," 23. 

on  origin  of  capital,  39. 
summary  of  life  of,  24. 
Maurice,  F.  D.,  a  Christian  socialist, 

25. 

Maverick,  Augustus,  on  relation  be- 
tween American  labor  movements 
and  International,  28. 
McVeagh,  Franklin,  on  moral  trus- 
teeship of  wealth,  176. 
Mercantilism,  Andrew  D.  White  on, 

166;  results  of,  166. 
Military  class,  socialist  view  of,  88. 
Mill,  J.  S.,  on  reckless  revolutionists, 

70. 

Monopolies,  100. 

control  of  land-office,  etc.,  by,  66. 
control  of  legislation,  99. 
Montigny,  quoted,  11. 
Morality  and  labor;  194. 
Morality  and  political  economy.    See 

POLITICAL  ECONOMY. 
defined,  179. 
in  conversation,  186. 
in  the  family  relation,  188. 
More,  Thomas,  Utopia,  21. 


272 


INDEX. 


Most,  Herr,  quoted,  60. 
Mulhall,  M.  G.,  quoted,  9. 

• 
Newton,  R.  Heber,  on  promotion  of 

morality  by  employers,  193. 
Nihilism,  26. 

Organization  of  labor.     See  LABOR. 
Origin  of  capital,  socialist  view  of,  39. 
Ortnodox    economy.     See  POLITICAL 

ECONOMY. 
Owen,  Robert,  as  captain  of  industry, 

152. 

philanthropic  influence  of,  131. 
theory  of  co-operation,  130. 

Pandora,  an  emissary  of  capitalism,  33. 
Paternal  theory  of  State,  95. 
Peace    Dale,   experiment    in   profit- 
sharing,  156. 

Perry,  Arthur  Latham,  quoted,  92. 
Persil,  M.,  quoted,  72. 
Pittsburg  platform  (Internationalist), 

45. 

Plato's  Republic,  communism  in,  20. 
Policeman  theory  of  State;  95. 
Political  conditions,  American,  a  cause 

of  danger  from  socialism,  64-66, 

223. 
Political  economy,  laws  of,  modified 

by  human  will,  93. 
orthodox,  lacking  in  moral  element, 

92. 

orthodox,  mistaken  method^  73. 
Political  economy  and  morality,  92- 

94,  150,  180,  227. 
Poor  poorer,  41. 
"Poor poorer,  rich  richer,"  criticised, 

81-84. 

Poverty  not  the  worst  evil,  231. 
Powderly,  T.  V.,  on  strikes,  121,  and 

note. 

Press,  socialist  view  of,  37. 
Production,  factors  in,  76. 
Profits,  as  defined  by  socialist,  33. 

how  they_  arise.  146, 147. 
Profit-sharing,  advantages  of,  156. 
Bohmert  on,  157. 
in  America,  156,  note. 
in  industry  of  future,  228. 
Leclaire's  experiment,  155. 
Peace  Dale  experiment,  156. 
suggested   by    Babbage,  154 ;    by 

Carlyle,  155 ;  by  Fregier,  155. 
"  Progress  and  Poverty,"  29. 
Progress,  essential  factor  of,  89. 
Progress  of  working  classes,  81-84; 

not  from  socialism,  89. 
Proletariat,  as  defined  by  socialists,  32. 
Property,   right  of,  New  Testament 

teaching  as  to,  165. 


Proudhon,  definition  of  socialism,  21. 
on  property,  22. 

Public  opinion,  must  not  be  alienated 
by  workmen,  223. 

Pulpit,  socialist  view  of,  37. 

Purity,  personal,  as  affecting  indus- 
try, 187. 

Railroads,  etc.,  State  ownership  of, 
97. 

Reclus,  Elis^e,  26. 

Referendum,  53. 

Rent,  law  or.  criticised,  80. 
stated,  and  socialist  view  of,  41. 

Resume"  of  discussion,  217. 

Ricardo,  David,  on  labor,  74;  criti- 
cised, 75. 

on  law  of  wages,  quoted,  78 ;  criti- 
cised, 79. 

Rich  richer,  41. 

"  Rich  richer,  poor  poorer,"  criticised, 
81-84. 

Rochdale,  experiment.  See  CO-OPEB- 
ATION. 

Rogers,  J.  E.  T.,  on  trades-unions, 
117. 

Roscher,  "William,  on  conditions  which 
promote  socialism,  66. 

Rousseau  on  property,  22. 

Saint-Just  on  property,  22. 
School,  the,  its  duty,  230. 
Self-interest,  an  economic  force,  93- 

95,  192. 

Service,  law  of,  in  labor,  190-192. 
Slave-drivers,  socialist  view  of,  38. 
Smith,  Adam,  on  labor,  73,  74. 
Smyth,  Newman,  quoted,  17,  68. 
Socialism,  a  peril.     See  DANGEB. 

a  source  of  its  peril,  64. 

and  labor  movement  discriminated, 
218. 

atheistic  bias,  30,  201,  202. 

conditions  which  promote,  66. 

defined,  22. 

distinguished  from  communism,  21. 

forms  of,  in  France,  26. 

forms  of,  in  Germany,  26. 

not  remedied  by  force,  67 ;  or  bitter 
words,  or  unconcern,  68. 

of  American  Indians,  87. 

origin  of,  in  America,  28. 

temper  of.  58. 

the  truth  in,  219. 
Socialist,  demand,  summary  of,  54. 

dream  dispelled,  by  history,  88. 

his  expectation,  86. 

his  missionary  enthusiasm,  63. 

his  re-emphasis  of  true  social  law, 
91. 

his  Utopia,  55. 


INDEX. 


273 


Socialist  remedy  inadequate,  85-89 ; 
reversal  of  history,  87. 

view  of  family,  54. 

view  of  land-grabbing  and  rent,  40. 

view  of  lawyers,  military  class,  and 
slave-drivers,  38. 

view  of  modern  society,  38. 

of  press  and  pulpit,  37. 

what  he  is  not,  29,  218. 
Socialist,  Labor.     See  LABOB- SOCIAL- 
IST. 
Socialists,  American,  divided,  28. 

Christian,  in  England,  25. 

of  the  chair,  26. 
Stock-gambling,  103, 104. 
Sumner,  William  G.,  quoted,  93. 
Supply  and  demand,  in  relation  to 

wages,  152. 

Swinton,  John,  on  workman's  aliena- 
tion from  the  Church,  202. 

quoted,  60. 

Social  classes  of  the  future,  229. 
Social  facts  in  American  life,  12, 13. 
Social  law,  the  true,  by  whom  pro- 
claimed, 92. 

Social  question,  difficulties  in  discuss- 
ing, 217. 

Gambetta  on  the,  9. 

in  America,  importance  of,  14. 

propriety  of  discussing  in  the  sanc- 
tuary, 14. 

rapid  changes  in  history  of,  219. 
Society,  modern,  socialist  view  of,  38. 
Speculation,  gambling,  indictment  of, 
105. 

in  land,  againstj  170. 
State,  the,  anarchist  view  of,  47. 

denned,  95 ;  theories  of,  95. 

education  by,  98. 

interference,  danger  from,  96. 

its  duty,  280. 

labor-socialist's  view  of,  49. 

ownership  of  railroads,  etc.,  97. 
Statistics  or  Labor,  Bureaus  of,  227. 
Strikes,  economic  war,  13. 

121 ;  Powderly  on,  121,  and  note. 

some  causes  for,  220. 

Time  as  measuring  value,  47. 
Thornton,  W.  T.,  on  trades-unions, 

118. 
Tocqueville,  M.  de,  "Democracy  in 

America"  quoted,  199. 
Todt,  Herr,  epigram  of,  quotedj  14. 
Trades-unions,   duty  of  captains  of 

industry  to  recognize,  149. 


Trades-unions,  George  Howell  on  aim 
of,  114 ;  G.  Howell  against  tyr- 
anny and  intimidation,  120, 121. 

in  United  States,  112. 

legal  recognition  of,  in  England. 
112. 

origin  of,  111. 

Kogers  on,  117. 

Thornton  on,  118. 

wholesale  labor  market,  115. 

Wages,  iron  law  of,  40. 
iron  law  of,  criticised,  78,  79. 
relation    to    supply  and   demand, 

Xv& 

Walker,  George  Leon,  quoted,  15. 
Wallace,  Alfred,  on  morality  and  in- 
dustrial results,  394. 
Waste  of  material,  immoral,  185. 
Wealth,  "all,  due  to  labor,"  39. 
all,  due  to  labor,  statement   and 

criticism,  73-76. 
and  conscience,  162, 164. 
defined,  162. 

not  the  chief  end  of  man,  165. 
rapid  increase  of,  in  Europe  and 

America,  10. 
responsible  to  society,  163 :  to  God, 

163. 

responsibility  of,  for  use  of  its  lei- 
sure, 168 ;"  for  use  of  wealth  as 
capital,  169. 

responsibility  of,  McVeagh  on,  176. 
philanthropic  use  of,  172-174. 
Wnite,  Andrew  D..  on  mercantilism, 

166, 167. 

Whitworth,  Sir  Joseph,  Carlyle's  let- 
ter to,  153. 
Willett,    J.,    letter    to    "Christian 

Union,"  quoted,  84. 
letter,  quoted,  on  the  pulpit,  87. 
Workmen,alienation  from  the  Church, 
200,  et  seq. ;  grounds  of,  203 ;  re- 
sponsibility for,  206. 
and  the  Bible,  209. 
ignorance  among,  Guyot  on,  159 ;  a 

danger,  222. 
responsibility  for,  184. 
justice  to  be  done  by,  184. 
no  hope  from  materialism,  210. 
rash,  a  danger,  221. 
Working  classes,  progress  of,  81-84. 

progress  of,  not  from  socialism,  89. 
Wright,  Carroll  D.,  on  righteousness 

in  industry,  154. 
quoted,  94. 


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